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GOUBERVILLE AND THE ENGLISH

In 1418, Henri III, king of England landed with his army in Touques.
Soon after, Cherbourg was under siege and, near starvation, capitulated after five months, leading to an English occupation of the town and its surrounding areas that would last for 32 years!*
*The English finally departed from Cherbourg on August 14, 1450.

Gilles de Gouberville was born around 1521. The portion of his Journal that has come down to us, is dated from 1549, i.e. almost a century after the English had left. One can easily imagine that he often heard the saga of Franco-English relations while he was growing up.

The Journal contains numerous references to England and its subjects.
Two notions stand out clearly: after the departure of the English, there was a constant flow from Normandy to England and vice-versa which took place quite freely, without any constraint; however at the same time, there seemed to exist a very tangible fear that the English army might return.

The cross-Channel traffic was both human and commercial. Habits had probably been formed during the English occupation; life went on, and all things considered, relations between the occupied and the occupants did not seem to have been disastrous. Consider two examples, among many others, of English people who stopped by the manor house in le Mesnil-au-Val :
Apprès disner arriva Jacques Pitet, sergent de Bayeux, et ung jeune Angloys quand et luy. (19 juillet 1554)
After dinner, Jacques Pitet, a sergeant in Bayeux arrived, with a young Englishman (July 19, 1554)

A notre retour, nous trouvasmes ung jeune homme de Sct-Saulveur-le-Viconte qui avoyt demeuré en Angleterre, qui venoyt quérir les angloys qui estoyent céans pour s'en retourner  ; car le vent estoyt propre. (1 septembre 1560)
When we returned, we found a young man from Saint Sauveur le Viconte who had lived in England , who came here to ask the English who were staying here to go back, for the wind was favourable. (September 1, 1560)

Another anecdote informs us that the English falconer, Robert Bordes left his son at Gilles' manor house for two years. Gilles treated him like a son and promptly entrusted him with responsibilities.
[Je] m'en vins, le petit Angloys avecque moy, auquel je fys donner une dorée [tartine de beurre] en passant chez le Saulvage, pour ce qu'il se trouvoyt mal d'avoyr trop jeuné (26 septembre 1552).
I left, the English lad with me, for whom I requested a slice of buttered bread when we stopped at le Saulvage's place, because he was not feeling well, having fasted too long. (September 26, 1552)

J'envoyé le petit Angloys à Cherbourg quérir du poysson, il apporta pour II sols de morue. (12 février 1551).
I sent the English lad to Cherbourg to get fish; he brought back two sols worth of cod. (February 12, 1551)

Je fys curer apprès disner le puys, par le petit Angloys qu'on y descendit dedens le seau. (20 octobre 1551)
After dinner, I had the well cleaned out by the English lad whom we sent down in a bucket. (October 20, 1551)

Commercial traffic was intense and seemed to be mostly from England to France , especially:
- horse trading, but also dogs, ewes, goats, birds of prey, roe-deer , etc. :
Moisson s'en vinst (…) qui ne faisoyt qu'arriver d'Angleterre et amena une jument noyre qui avoyt les deux yeulx et les quatre piedz blancz . (17 septembre 1552)
Moisson came here (… ) he had just arrived from England and had brought with him a black mare with white eyes and four white hooves. (September 17, 1552)

Apprès disner arrivèrent céans Marin Parys des faubourgs et Nicollas Parys demeurant en Angleterre, lequelz me amenèrent deux brebys du dit pays d'Angleterre . (18 septembre 1552)
After dinner, Martin Parys arrived here from the faubourgs and Nicollas Parys who lives in England  ; they brought me two ewes from the afore-mentioned England . (September 18, 1552)

Robert Bordes, père de mon Angloys, arriva et avoyt deux grands chiens courans rouges qu'il avoyt amenés d'Angleterre. (4 septembre 1553)
Robert Bordes, the father of my English lad, arrived and he had two big red hounds that he had brought from England . (September 4, 1554)

Jehan Le Chevalier et son nepveu Loys revindrent d'Angleterre (…) et amenèrent ung dain qu'ilz me donnèrent . (2 mars 1553)
Jehan Le Chevalier and his nephew Loys came back from England ( …) and they brought a fallow deer that they gave me. (March 2, 1553)

- trade in textiles, especially great quantities of English red cloth :
(..) à Cherebourg, j'achatté de La Bihotte , marchant, demye aulne de drap d'Angleterre rouge, pour ma seur de Sct-Naser, XII s. (14 novembre 1555)
(..) In Cherbourg , I bought half a yard of red English cloth from La Bihotte , a merchant, for my sister in Sct-Naser, costing twelve sols. (November 14, 1555)

Comme nous dynions arrivèrent Thomas Bunette, de Sct-Sauveur-le-Vicomte, et Martin Babille, de Cherebourg, lesquelz venoyent d'Angleterre et m'apportèrent deux aulnes d'estamet noyer, des gans et une bourse que Massonnière m'envoyet (…). (7 avril 1556)
While we were dining, Thomas Bunette from Sct-Sauveur-le-Vicomte and Martin Babille from Cherbourg arrived; they had come from England and brought me two yards of black etamine, some gloves and a purse that Massonnière sent me (…) (April 7, 1556)

Notwithstanding these human and commercial exchanges, the constant fear of an English landing remained. The slightest tempest could be mistaken for the sound of cannons:
(…) on vinst dire que les Angloys vouloyent descendre près Cherebourg. Nous laissasmes tout et allasmes assembler tous les hommes de ceste paroisse pour y aller. Nous vinsmes que c'estoyt à la Tourlaville. Aussy les navires estoyent bien repoussés de l'artillerie de terre. (15 juin 1557).
(…) someone came to inform us that the English wanted to land near Cherbourg. We dropped everything and went to assemble all the men of this parish to proceed there. We saw that it was in Tourlaville. And that the ships were repelled by the land artillery. (June 15, 1557)

This fear would lead to the organisation of defensive action, including men and the construction of forts all along the coast.
On the other hand, the entire Goubervillian household had the pleasure of spending two days on the island of Alderney in July, 1558*, suggested by Captain Malesard who had taken the island from the English a few days previously, having raided the cattle grazing there. Gouberville and his friends strolled around the island and had a very good meal. Gilles had to rest after the meal … «  pour ce que je m'estoys trouvé mal sur la mer  » (because he had felt seasick on the way over).
The island became English once again only a few days later.

*See Gilles' Trip to Alderney in 1558 ( Le voyage de Gilles à Aurigny en 1558) by Gérard Fosse (archives - 2003)

Claude BONNET

Coastal Defence at the Time of Gilles de Gouberville:
the fort in Omonville-la-Rogue

Located near Vaucotte Point, the fort of Omonville-la-Rogue, a small town in the north of the Hague peninsula, was built around 1520. Situated to the right of the Hâble, it protects the mooring site called the “fosse” or pit of Omonville, deep enough for large ships to anchor at any tide. From this small harbour, many expeditions departed for the Channel Islands, but it was also quite simply a waiting zone for merchant ships before they tried to cross the Raz Blanchard, a dangerous current between la Hague and the island of Alderney. A private property today, the fort still exists but its present architectural form owes almost everything to the renovations of the nineteenth century.
As with all fortifications, in order to conserve its usefulness when confronted with new techniques, it was constantly being remodelled and it was during one of these renovations that Gilles de Gouberville played a role. The aim, in 1549, was to make this fort in Omonville much more important as a defensive work, to house a garrison big enough to ensure the defence of this part of the coast, and especially in order to prevent an English landing to the north-west of Cherbourg. High-ranking officials came for that reason to inspect this area of coastline: Jacques de Matignon, governor of Cherbourg, Saint Lo and Granville, and Claude d’Annebault, admiral of the French fleet. On 10 May 1549, Gouberville informs us that both men left Cherbourg “to go to la Hague”, and on the 13th, that they returned to spend the night in Cherbourg. It was therefore during this inspection that our defensive system was decided– or confirmed – as well as the renovations to the fort in Omonville, and other projects concerning the castle in Cherbourg.
Gilles de Gouberville, who held at that time the title of lieutenant of waters and royal forests, was directly concerned by these matters, since he was the person who granted permission to cut the necessary trees in the royal forests ; he may even have marked the tree-trunks himself. Such was the case for example on 23 May, 1549 for some work concerning Cherbourg, when it was impossible to find the Cherbourg verderer and the wood needed to be delivered “in all haste” (other orders for wood needed for construction or repairs in Cherbourg can be found in 1552).

In July 1549, Matignon contacted Gilles directly, asking him to provide the person in charge of the extension of the fort with quality wood :
Je receu lettres de Monsieur de Matignon pour délibvrer du bois à seigneur Jehan Thomas que le roy envoyt par deça pour faire un fort au havre d’Ommonville. (samedi 6 juillet 1549)
I received letters from Monsieur de Matignon to deliver wood to Jehan Thomas that the king sent here in order to build a fort in the harbour of Ommonville. (Saturday, 6 July, 1549).

(The same place is spelled three different ways in the Journal : “ fort of Ommonville “, “ fort of Omonville “ or “ fort Domonville “). It should be noted that it was definitely a royal decision to fortify the northern coast of the Cotentin peninsula, as the sovereign had chosen to send someone in charge of fortifications to the area.
Gouberville however felt that he needed precise information and the very next day decided to go
à Cherebourg pour parler au cappitaine et au seigneur Jehan Thomas pour scavoir quel boys il lui falloyt, il me dit qu’il le falloyt de l’essence que Monsieur de Matignon m’avoyt escript et que ce fust au plus prochain boys que le roy eust près d’Ommonville pour ce que l’affere estoyt très astives et que les aultres forest estoyent trop longtaines du lieu où on avoyt affere et que la proximité du boys hasteroyt l’ouvraige de plus de la moytié du temps. (dimanche 7 juillet 1549)
to Cherbourg to speak to the captain et to squire Jehan Thomas to know which wood was needed, he told me that he needed the type of wood that Monsieur de Matignon had indicated when he wrote to me and that it was from the woods closest to Omonville that the king possessed because the affair was a hasty one and the other forests were too far from the place of work and that the proximity of the wood would hasten things along and cut the time in two. (Sunday, July 7 1549)]

From then onwards, our royal servant wastes no time: on the same day, he drew up
ung mandement au verdier de Cherebourg ou au sergent de Varengron premier sur ce requis, pour délibvrer en dilligence le boys qu’il falloit pour les œuvres du Roy à Ommonville. Lequel mandement j’envoye par Raullet Gardin de Tollevast qui debvoyt et ses compagnons le landemain coupper le dit boys au boys de Varengron.(dimanche 7 juillet 1549)
an order for the verderer in Cherbourg or for the sergeant of Varengron, whoever was first to answer the request for the hasty delivery of the wood which was needed for the king’s works in Ommonville. This order I send by Raullet Gardin from Tollevast who was to cut the wood with his companions the following day in the Varengron woods. (Sunday, July 7 1549).

The Varengron woods, or Varengrou in modern spelling is located in the village of Vasteville, but a larger domain included at that time the heath of Varengrou and the wood of Gros Mont (part of the town of Sainte-Croix Hague) as well as the Tonneville heath, according to Philippe Lanièce, an expert on the Cotentin wooded areas. All of these places are less than 15 kilometres from Omonville).

Because the team of lumberjacks left immediately, the work was quickly terminated since Gilles, still acting as agent of the king, sold the leftover pieces of wood to the highest bidder, which we can deduce from the proximity of the dates : on 22 July 1549, he
banys en la cohue les couppeaulx et escorches de LV chesnes qu’on avoyt abbattus à Saulmaresc pour les œuvres du Roy
he proposed during the court-leet the shavings and bark of 55 oak trees that were felled in Sauxmarais for the king’s works.

In spite of everything, the amount of timber provided was not sufficient, since three days later, he is appealed to for more, through the intervention of the head lumberjack
Raullet Gardin de Tollevast m’apporta au pray du Clos au Couvert, unes lettres du seigneur Jehan Thomas, pour avoyr du boys pour les œuvres du roy à Ommonville. (25 juillet 1549)
Raullet Gardin from Tollevast brought me some letters to the prairie in the Clos au Couvert from Jehan Thomas, asking for wood for the king’s works in Ommonville. (25 July 1549).

And the work begun in 1549 continued the following year :
Nicolas Le Monnier, serviteur du cappitaine de Cherebourg, m’apporta unes lettres de monsieur le gouverneur de Normandye pour délibvrer du boys pour les œuvres du fort d’Ommonville.(mardi 10 Juin 1550)
Nicolas Le Monnier, servant of the captain of Cherbourg, brought me a letter from the Governor of Normandy, asking for wood to be delivered for the work at the fort of Ommonville. (Tuesday, June 10 1550).

This second period of works made it possible to finish the reconditioning of the fortifications. Once the fort was ready, it was necessary to supply it. First, by once again asking our lieutenant of the royal forest for more wood, but this time for firewood:
Robert Douzouville le jeune (…) m’apporta lettres de Persigny pour avoyr du boys pour son chauffage au fort d’Ommonville (1er avril 1552)
Robert Douzouville the younger (...) brought me letters from Persigny asking for wood for heating the fort at Ommonville. (1 April 1552)

Another mention on 25 September 1557 informs us that Captain Percigny was still in command of the fort of Omonville at the time.
The task was not a simple one and once again, Gilles was appealed to in order to bypass a refusal from the verderer in 1555. On 19 August 1555,
sur le soyer, après soleil couché, le fils de Sct-Christophe, à la Hague, et François Dauge vindrent céans pour la livrée du chauffage du fort d’Omonville, que le verdier ne vouloyt mercher.
In the evening, after sunset, the son of Sct Christophe from la Hague and François Dauge came here for the delivery of firewood for the fort in Omonville, that the verderer did not want to mark.

However, Gilles, who had twisted his right foot the day before, « au jardin à poyriers, en une petite fossette où on asssied les quilles » [in the pear-tree garden, in a little trench where we put the skittles] was bed-ridden and on August 20,
Symonnet fut la relevée pour parler au verdier de Cherebourg, qui estoyt venu par céans, allant mercher la livrée du cappitaine du fort d’Omonville, le fils de Sct-Christophe avec lui
Symonnet left in the afternoon to speak with the verderer in Cherbourg, who had come here,to mark the order of the captain at the fort in Omonville, the son of Sct-Christophe accompanying him.

Finally,
François Dauge (…) fut avec led ; verdier, Sct-Christophle et Pierres Varin à la forest mercher le boys dud. cappitaine du fort.
François Dauge (…) went with the above-mentioned verderer, Sct-Christophle and Pierres Varin to the forest to get the wood for the captain of the fort.

The operating of the fort also meant, at least at the beginning, that the local population was taxed
Cantepye fut aux ples à Cherbourg et me dist qu’on y faisait les cotisations pour avitailler Cherbourg et le fort d’Ommonville (vendredi 29 janvier 1551)
Cantepye went to the the court-leet in Cherbourg and told me that contributions were being taken for the provisions of Cherbourg and the fort in Omonville (Friday, 29 January 1551)].

Similar mentions can be found elsewhere, but only for Cherbourg on the 19th and 21st of September 1557.

Lastly, the troops had to be paid, but the royal finances royales were not in the best of shape, and the lack of money eroded the patience of the soldiers of the fort of Omonville as soon as it was put back into service. On Wednesday, 27 November 1549, while Gilles was dining at Navarre’s, when
survint le sieur de Carpiquet et plusieurs aultres qui s’en retournoient du fort d’Omonville à Caen par faulte d’argent
the squire of Carpiquet and several others arrived ; they were returning to Caen from the fort of Omonville because of the lack of money.

Eleven years later, the situation had apparently not improved. On Saturday 13 July 1560,
come je souppoys, arrivèrent Cosqueville et son cousin La Vendelée, soldatz au fort d’Omonville, et venoyent de Fermanville, comme ilz dysoyent, où ilz estoyent dès mardi.
As I was having supper, Cosqueville and his cousin La Vendelée who were soldiers at the fort in Omonville arrived ; they said had come from Fermanville, where they had been since Tuesday.

Here we have two defenders of the Hague who had just spent a week in the Val de Saire, but all is explained the next day. Gilles wrote :
Anquetil de Saulsemesnil vint céans qui dit à Symonnet que les gentilzhommes et compagnons de la garnison de Cherebourg avoyent ésté mandés en diligence, ce que entendu par lesd. Corqueville et Vendelée, ilz se délibérèrent d’aller à Cherebourg pour sçavoyr si c’estoyt argent qui venoyent et s’y en allèrent (dimanche 14 juillet 1560)
Anquetil de Saulsemesnil came here and told Symonnet that the gentlemen and companions of the garrison in Cherbourg had been ordered post haste, what they had heard from Cosqueville and Vendelée made them wonder if they should go to Cherbourg to find out if the money had arrived and they went there. (Sunday, 14 July 1560).

This is what we learn from Gilles: on the one hand, the will of the monarchic state to ensure to the best of its ability the defence of its coasts with inspections in situ and important reconditioning of the existing fortified structures carried out by competent servants of the crown, and on the other hand, once the project had been finished, the difficulties to operate such a structure regularly, year after year. To say nothing of the dysfunctions within the same administration … But after all, are things so very different today?

Christophe Boutin

Gilles de Gouberville and 16th Century Drama in the Cotentin Peninsula

Backed by King François I, Pierre de Ronsard and seven other poets decided to form a group that they called the Pléiade. Their aim was to radically transform the French language, literature and theatre. They recommended that the structures and the themes of the medieval period be laid aside, and that new means be sought to enhance the French language which they considered insufficiently poetic.
Joachim du Bellay, one of the members of the Pléiade, author of the Defence and Illustration of the French Language (1549), proposed the creation of new words derived from Greek or Latin, as well as a revival of some forgotten words and lexical borrowings from regional languages ; he advised playwrights to seek inspiration from the Classics where themes escaped the bounds of the exclusively religious framework of the Miracle plays and Mysteries.

This theatre revival obviously began in Paris and in other places where the royal court sojourned, such as Blois, where Gilles travelled at the beginning of 1556, trying in vain to obtain the title of « maître des eaux et des forêts » (master of streams and forests) from the king. While he was there, he attended a performance of a play « in French prose » :
> Je fus dempuys une heure jusques à cinq voyer une comédie qu'on joua en prose françoyse, devant le Roy et les princes et princesses, en l'abbaye de Sct-Gomer . (12 février)
From one o'clock until five o'clock, I went to see a play that was given in French prose before the king, the princes and princesses at the St. Gomer Abbey . (12 February 1556)

Gilles neglects to give his opinion of the play. Moreover, he doesn't seem particularly interested in the theatre. The «  comedy  » he mentions is probably the only one he ever saw.

This new type of theatre did not reach the provinces in Gilles's lifetime. The plays that he reports as being given in Cherbourg , Valognes or in churches near Le Mesnil, all belonged to the medieval tradition ; most were of a religious nature with the exception of a «  farce  » played at the wedding of one of the performers :
> Chandeleur avoyt passé au matin par ycy … ; il me dist qu'il avoyt ung personnage de la farce qu'on debvoyt jouer dymenche aulx noces de André Rouxel et de la fille Jehan Liot. (24 septembre 1551)
Chandeleur stopped here this morning ; he told me that he had one of the characters of the farce they intended to perform on Sunday at the wedding of André Rouxel and the daughter of Jehan Liot. (24 September, 1551)

 The Morality Plays
Gilles mentions three moralities – the aim of these plays was moral edification – all taking place around Christmastime: one in 1552 (in Le Theil), and two others in 1553 and 1554 (in Digosville). On December 24,1553, he wrote :
> Cantepye … et aultres de céans s'en allèrent à mattines en ceste parroisse [Le Mesnil] , et de là à la messe à Digoville, por voyer ceulx qui jouèrent une moralité à la fin de la messe ; ilz en revindrent viron une heure avant jor .
Cantepye ... and some of the others from here went to matins in this parish (i.e. Le Mesnil au Val) and thence to mass in Digoville to see those who were going to perform a morality at the end of the mass ; they returned about an hour before daybreak.

The actors seem to be members of the parish: on Christmas morning in 1552, someone brought back a hat and a piece of velvet silk that Gilles had lent to the captain in Le Theil to play in their midnight mass.

The Miracles and the Pageants
Miracles were religious dramas about edifying events or the lives of the saints or historic characters that were shown as examples, whereas pageants were the oldest form of religious medieval theatre, the themes of which were mostly Biblical. In time, the term «play » came to mean any play with a religious subject, no matter what its theme, be it exemplary as in the Miracles or Biblical as in the long Mystery plays .

In 1551 and 1559, Gilles mentioned the performance of Miracle plays in Cherbourg (on two, even three consecutive Sundays) and in Valognes (on two occasions). Was he referring to the same play acted several times or parts of one play acted on several days, or to several different plays ? It's impossible to answer this question.

The Theatre in Cherbourg in 1551
On Sunday, 7 June, Cantepie attended some «  jeuz  » :
> Dès le matin Cantepye alla à Cherebourg voyez les jeuz qu'on y faisoyt des douze filz de Jacob, il en revinst sur les six heures . (7 juin 1551)
Cantepye went to Cherbourg in the morning to see the jeux that were being shown about the twelve sons of Jacob ; he came home about six o'clock. (June 7, 1551)

On the14th of the same month, a «  Miracle  » was performed:
> Je ne bouge de céans, la Harelle et son filz Robert furent au Miracle à Cherebourg, Thomas Drouet et sa femme et Pasquet, ils en revindrent entre six et sept . (14 juin 1551)
I stayed at home, la Harelle and her son Robert went to see the Miracle in Cherbourg, with Thomas Drouet and his wife and Pasquet ; they returned between six and seven . (14 June, 1551)

And finally on the 21st, La Harelle went back to see another miracle, accompanied by others including her daughter. Was the same play performed on three consecutive Sundays ? Once again, impossible to ascertain.

As to the «  follye  » given on August 7, 1560, the word was most likely used as personal comment by Gilles.
> La relevée, Clément Querqueville, de Cherebourg, revenant de Vallongnes, passa par céans. Il portoyt ung masque de diable, pour ceulx de Cherebourg qui doybvent jouer je ne sçay quelle follye.
In the afternoon, Clément Querqueville from Cherbourg passed here on his way back from Valognes. He had a devil's mask for some people in Cherbourg who intended to act in I know not what folly.

This so-called «  follye  » was probably connected to the «  jeux  » given in Cherbourg on the following Sunday (15 August) where «  the actors of devilish plays were allowed to run through the towns and the nearby villages wearing their costumes  ». (M. Bakhtine).

Given the date, the performance had most likely been scheduled for the ceremony of «  Our Lady Going to Heaven  » which took place in Cherbourg , in the church of the holy Trinity, on the feast day of the Assumption.

Jacqueline Vastel

Several references can be found in the Journal to hunts organised to rid the country of these fearful beasts. The method which was used most often was called the « huée » :
When the wolves became too enterprising, the population would gather in great numbers ... and they would form a circle around the hunted animal, closing in constantly. They would scare the beast by their shouting and booing and by the jarring sounds they made with horns, pots, pans and cauldrons until the wolf, completely hemmed-in, was beaten to death. (abbé Tollemer, Analyse du Journal. t.1, p. 206-207).

This « huée » is mentioned at least five times in the Journal. In 1551 « two or three thousand people » were assembled:
Monsr des Marescz vinst a St-Nazer. Nous desjeunasmes ensemble puys allasmes Les Hachees et Cantepye avecque nous, a Beaumont au devant de la huee, dont la tete estoyt en Varengrou et conduysimes la dite huée jusques au dit lieu de Varengron ou se trouva Monsr l'escuyer Potton qui ne fut pas content de ce qu'on avoyt termé la huée sans luy en parler. Le baron de la Lutumiere y estoyt et son frère Breuville et bien deux ou troys mille personnes. (23 février 1551)
Monsieur des Marescz came to Saint-Nazer. We dined together then went to Beaumont with Les Hachees and Cantepye, and we drove the hunt to a place called Varengron, where the head of the hunt was, and where we found Squire Potton who was unhappy that we had set the date for the hunt without consulting him. The baron of Lutumiere was there also with his brother Breuville and at least two or three thousand people. (23 February 1551)
Ils estoyt apprès dix heures quand la messe fu commencée. Symonnet, Thomas Drouet et Gilles Auvrey s’en allèrent de l’église à Fermembreul, où on faisoyt une hue aulx loupz. (6 janvier 1558)
It was after ten o’clock when the Mass began. Symonnet, Thomas Drouetandt Gilles Auvrey went to the church in Fermembreul where a wolf hunt was taking place. (6 January 1558)

(A Bricquebec) … Guyon Binet apporta à Madame la trace d’un lou qu’on avoyt hier prins à la huée, à Varengon. (28 décembre 1558)
(Bricquebec)...Guyon Binet brought a trace of the wolf that they had hunted the previous day at Varengron to Madame. (28 December 1558)

Arriva Leshachées, qui nous dist qu’on avoyt prins ung mastin à la huée. (9 avril 1559) : s’agit-il bien d’un loup ? Le terme qualifie usuellement un gros chien.
Leshachéés arrived, telling us that they had caught a big mastiff at the « huée ». (9 April 1559)
However it is not clair whether the animal in question was a wolf or a large dog.
(A Russy) … Symonnet allèrent à la huée en Blanqueville, où il fut prins un lou fort grand (13 avril 1561) (Russy) Symonnet went to the « huée » in Blanqueville, where a very big wolf was caught. (13 April 1561)

Other hunting techniques used at the time are also mentioned in the Journal : for example hunting with dogs, which were often wounded during the hunt :
Nous fusmes à la messe à l’église. Comme nous y estions, il se mist à néger si fort que tout couvrit. … Led. jour Symonnet, Thomas Drouet, Καν (Cantepie), Collas Drouet furent au boys et trouvèrent deux loupz qui blécèrent Coliche et deux aultres chiens (18 novembre 1554)
We went to Mass at the church. While we were there, it started snowing so hard that it everything was covered. The same day, Symonnet, Thomas Drouet, Καν (Cantepie), and Collas Drouet went to the woods and found two wolves who attacked Coliche and two other dogs. (18 November 1554)

or hunting with bait (usually a lamb) where once Symonnet killed a she-wolf with an harquebus :
(A Russy) Apprès disner, une louve vinst à la Coulombière et emporta ung agneau. Roquencourt, Symonnet, …., la poursuyvirent et luy fisrent lascher et laissèrent led. agneau à la place ; assès tot apprès, elle revinst chercher sa proye. Symonnet la tua d’un coup de harquebutte. (29 mai 1558)
(Russy) After dinner, a she-wolf came to the Coulombière and carried off a lamb. Roquencourt, Symonnet, ….,went after it and made it drop its prey which they left in the same place ; not long afterwards, the wolf returned and Symonnet killed it with one shot from his harquebus. (29 May 1558)

In the spring of 1559, a wolf cub was used as bait to capture its own mother :
(A Russy) Gaulvain vinst céans, qui avoyt prins cinq louveteaulx ès merdereaulx ; je luy donné IIs. Apprès disner nous retournasmes … au lieu où il les avoyt trouvés, auquel demeurèrent Symonnet et Drouet et ung louveteau qu’on avoyt remys où on les avoyt trouvés, pour voyer si la louve y reviendroyt ; ils y furent bien quattre heures et ne revinst rien. (25 mai 1559)
(Russy) Gaulvain arrived here ; he had captured five wolf cubs in Merdereaulx ; I gave him two sols. After dinner we returned to the place where he had found them, and where Symonnet and Drouetwere waiting with one of the cubs that they had put back in the same place hoping that the mother would come back for it ; they remained there four whole hours but nothing came back. (25 May 1559)

The Journal makes it quite clear that farm animals (geese, pigs, cows and sheep) often fell prey to the wolves, but only once does Gilles mention the case of a wolf following a man who was walking home alone on Christmas Eve :
Arnould fut à Monstebourg et apporta du beuf et du mouton pour XIII s.. En revenant, il trouva un lou à Crabet, qui le suyvit jusques près la maison au Saige. (24 décembre 1558)
Arnould went to Monstebourg and brought back some beef and some mutton that he purchased for XIII s.. On his way back, he met a wolf at a place called Crabet, that followed him almost to Saige’s house. (24 December 1558)

In the first part of this article, a reference was made to the « corps de louveterie », founded by Charlemagne. In 1520, François Ier officialised the institution. Towards the end of the 16th Century, during the wars of religion, the wolf population increased again, for the same reasons which prevailed during the 100 Years War. Every parish was ordered to have at least one man, « possessing weapons and dogs » who was obliged to participate three times a year in a « huée » (Ordonnance of 1583). These hunters nneded to obtain an official authorisation from the Master of the Forests or from one of his lieutenants and Gilles had been a lieutenant since 1543. He writes in 1555 :
(A Cherbourg) Les srs de Couriac parlèrent à moy au banquet [banc] et me baillèrent une commission qu’ilz avoyent pour chasser aulx loupz, que j’apporté quand et moy pour y mettre mon attache. (6 juin 1555)
(Cherbourg) The lords of Couriac spoke to me at the bench and they presented me with a commission to hunt wolves,that I brought back to put my bond on it. (6 June 1555)

The « corps de louveterie » was disbanded twice :
- under Charles VI (1395-1404) ; but its reinstatement became rapidly necessary (remember that the wolves entered Paris in1421).
- during the French Revolution: wolf-hunters were accorded important privileges. Restored by Napoléon in 1805, the corps still exists today. The wolf-hunters or « louvetiers » are appointed for three years by the « préfet » and are responsible for the « regulation of vermin and for maintaining a balance in wild animal populations».

The Last Wolves in France
After the revolution of 1789, hunting was no longer a privilege only enjoyed by the aristocracy. Wolves were systematically eliminated by battues, traps and poison. Between 1818 and 1829, over 18,000 wolves were killed in France. In the second half of the 19th century, after Pasteur’s experiments designated the wolf as the main factor in the spread of rabies, the term extermination would be more correct. The last wolf was slain in 1927.
Ever since its reintroduction in the French mountains several years ago, the wolf continues to provoke discord and controversy among scientists, environmentalists, hunters, farmers and the State, proof that even today, a great many people « fear the big, bad wolf.» ... Maria Wolf-Hennequin Avec l’aide de Jacqueline Vastel

Maria Wolf-Hennequin with the help of Jacqueline Vastel

Gilles and the Wolves (1) Wolf Attacks

«Who’s afraid of the big bad wolf ?»
At the time when Gilles de Gouberville was writing his Journal, one would have to answer : almost everyone. People lived in fear of the European wolf or common wolf, canis lupus lupus of the Canidae family (which originated probably in North America); this family also includes the fox, the jackal and the domestic dog. By the middle ages, canis lupus was abundant over the entire northern hemisphere.
Although the wolf was admired, occasionally revered, in the first human societies for its hunting skills, the problems began when man became sedentary and started farming and raising animals.
The wolf is a predator and hunts mainly wild animals (deer, roe deer, wild boar and hares) but will also eat livestock (cows, sheep, lambs, pigs and horses). However, despite popular belief, wolves rarely attack humans, unless they are rabid.
The intensive hunting of the species began in Europe in the 9th century when starving wolves left the steppes and the high plains and found refuge in the forests which then became places filled with mystery and danger. The wolf population increased and some dared to emerge from the forest in search of food.
The Christian religion, omnipresent and omnipotent in the Middle Ages, invoked the Bible to justify the domination of man over nature (Genesis, I-28). Man’s principal enemy, his main hunting rival, that which prevented him from living a peaceful pastoral life, was the « big bad wolf », considered as one of the devil’s “henchmen” :
The wolf represents the devil, for the latter hates human beings with such constancy that he prowls around the thoughts of the faithful in order to deceive their souls. (...) The eyes of the wolf that shine in he dark are the devil’s work... (Bestiaire by Pierre de Beauvais, XIIIe siècle)

In 813, Charlemagne instituted the “corps de la louveterie”, entrusting to luparii, full-time hunters, the task of ridding the country of pernicious animals, particularly wolves. Their mission was twofold : to capture by any means available (traps, hunting, battues) these predators that terrified the people who lived mainly in rural areas, and secondly, to destroy the litters born in the spring.

In the 14th century, during the 100 Years War, the problem became crucial. Due to the severe cold, to battles, bad harvests, epidemics and poverty, many corpses were left unburied, and this attracted the wolves, leading to the accusation that wolves attacked humans. It was also at this time that lycanthropy developed, a form of insanity in which the victim believes himself to have been transformed into a wolf and behaves accordingly (definition TLFI).
Some people eat children or sometimes adults, and once they have pursued humans, they will eat no other flesh, but would rather let themselves die : they are called werewolves because we must be wary of them.... (Le Livre de la chasse by Gaston Phébus, late 14th century).

In Gilles de Gouberville’s time, the presence of wolves was a scourge, recurring constantly. Attacks were frequent and unpredictable. Gilles reports them with his usual objectivity. For example, in 1553, some wolves partially devoured a wounded deer:
> Gilles Auvré et Douart Grandin furent a la forest estracquer et trouvèrent a la haye à loupz les gens du sr de Sottevast sur les voyes d’un senglier de deux ans … Comme je revenoys de la messe, Jehan Parys me dist, présens, .…, qu’il avoyt trouve ung cerf mengé des loupz près la Vente de-dessus-le-fest. Je luy dys qu’il me vinst querir apprès disner por y aller. … Nous le trouvasmes et en estoyt tout le derrier mengé des loups, comme il apparoissoyt a la nege. J’en couppé le chef et fys tourner le reste du corps sur l’austre costé. Nous trouvasmes qu’il avoyt heu un coup de boulet a la hanche gauche. (26 décembre 1553) : Gilles Auvré and Douart Grandin went to the forest to track animals and found Lord Sottevast’s servants at a place called the Wolves’ Hedge « haye à loupsz » on the track of a two-year-old boar... As I was returning from mass, Jehan Parys told me …, that he had found a deer, eaten by the wolves near the Vente de-dessus-le-fest. I told him to come fetch me after dinner to go there. …We found it, and all of its hind quarters had been eaten by the wolves, from what we could see in the snow. I cut off its head and had the body turned over onto the other side. We noticed that it had received a shot in the left hip. (26 December 1553)

In October 1556, when Gilles was informed by his servants of an attack, he rushed to the scene:
> Sur le soyer, a vol de vitecoqz, moy estant a la porte du boys, je ouy crier ung pourceau aulx Prinses-aulx-Advocatz, ou je couru bien tost. … Je trouvé ung pourceau de la garde de Jehan Paris que les loupz avoyent navré au ventre et a la cuysse et a la gorge … Il fut mené a l’ostel Barrier, ou le dist Paris le recueullyt. (17 octobre 1556) : At twilight, when the woodcocks were flying over, I was at the edge of the woods when I heard a pig squeal at the Prinses-aulx-Advocatz, so I ran there quickly. … I found one of Jehan Paris’ pigs that the wolves had wounded in the belly, on its thigh and at its throat …It was taken to l’ostel Barrier, where the above-mentioned Paris received it. (17 October 1556)

Nine years later, Gilles lost a sheep and a lamb in the same place that the wounded deer had been attacked in 1553 :
> Les loups avoyent tué ce jour la un agneau et ung mouton pour moi a la Vente de dessus le fest (10 mai 1561) : The wolves killed one of my sheep and one of my lambs on that day at the field called Vente de dessus le fest. (10 May 1561)

And a few months after this, a ewe was carried off by a wolf just outside the manor; the wolves seem to be getting closer and closer to human dwellings:
> Le loup prinst une brebis près de la chappelle comme led. Poltet estoyt ceans. (2 mars 1562) : The wolf took a ewe that was near the chapel while Poltet was inside. (2 March 1562)

In November 1562, he lost two more of his livestock :
> Arnould fut au boys et Bertin, et trouvèrent que les loupz avoyent mengé deux pourceaux de céans aux praries de Sct-Martin. (7 novembre 1562) : Arnould and Bertin went to the woods,and discovered that the wolves had eaten two of our pigs in the Sct-Martin prairies. (7 November 1562)

Elsewhere in his diary, Gilles mentions the skins of the wolves and of their victims that were recovered as well as the rewards he bestowed on those who killed the wolves:
> Nicollas, berger a St Naser, vinst comme on escorchoyt la loupve que Symonnet avoyt hier tuée (30 mai 1558) : Nicollas, a shepherd from St Naser, arrived while we were skinning the wolf that Symonnet killed yesterday. (30 May 1558)
> Au point du jour, Arnould alla a Bris chez Raullet du Fay, qui avoyt le cuyr d’une vache nommée la Grand-Baronne, que les loupz avaient tuée. (15 novembre 1562) : At daybreak, Arnould went to Bris to the home of Raullet du Fay, who had the hide of a cow named Grand-Baronne, that had been killed by the wolves. (15 November 1562)
> (Céans) … arrivèrent Pierres et Jehan dict Groult fils Thiénot, de Digosville qui portoyent une peau de lou qu’ils avoyent prins ceste nuyct en leur court, mengeant leurs oez… Je leur donne IIII s., et IIII s. que je leur fys donner au Lesaulvage (…), et II s. que ledit maistre Guillaume, de Belleville leur donna volontiers. (28 octobre 1559) : (at home) … Pierres and Jehan called Groult, son of Thiénot, arrived from Digosville carrying the pelt of a wolf that they had killed in their courtyard during the night, eating their geese … I gave them IIII s. and IIII s. for Lesaulvage (…), and the II s. that Master Guillaume, from Belleville was pleased to give them. (28 October 1559)

The pelts were then put to good use:
> Je conté à mon pelletier pour six manteaulx …. et pour l’abillage de deux peaulx de loupz … centz solz. (20 décembre 1559) : I paid one hundred solz to my furrier for six coats …and for the preparation of two wolf skins… (20 December 1559)

Over the centuries, the image of the wolf has changed radically: from ancient times when the noble animal represented Egyptian and Greek divinities (Oupouaout who escorted royal processions and protected his charges from evil forces and Apollo sometimes called the « wolf-god»), from the mother who suckled the founders of Rome (Romulus and Remus), to the Middle Ages when the poor wolf had become an obnoxious, terrifying beast, that had to be destroyed at all cost.
This fear of the wolf was long-lasting. In the Gevaudan area of France, a mysterious beast terrorized the population from 1764 to 1767, killing only women and children, but not any livestock. This strange animal was probably a cross between a wolf and a dog, trained to kill by a perverted criminal, an 18th century « serial killer ». However at the time many attributed the murders to a solitary wolf. And even today, children love to be read frightening stories such as Little Red Riding Hood and the Three Little Pigs, in which the main villain is always … the big bad wolf.

Maria Wolf-Hennequin with the help of Jacqueline Vastel

The Squire of Gouberville, a Norman Nobleman in the 16th Century
The Main Studies of his Journal from 1870 to the Present

In 1872, one hundred and thirty years ago, the first study on the subject of the squire of Gouberville appeared. Since then, he has been the subject of many other studies.

How exactly was his Journal discovered, used, and understood up to the present? Three chronological phases can be distinguished, corresponding to the main authors who have studied it.

First phase : 1870
L'abbé Tollemer, a learned provincial priest, discovered the manuscript of the squire of Gouberville (1553-1562) in a private home. Using the text, he wrote a sort of analytical, economical and material catalogue of its content. His work was published in the Journal de Valognes from February 17, 1870 to March 20, 1872 under the auspices of the great scholar and future administrator of the Bibliothèque Nationale, Léopold Delisle. At the same time, l'abbé Tollemer made a copy of the manuscript. Another scholar, Eugène Robillard de Beaurepaire, had this copy published with an introduction and an appendix. The Journal du sire de Gouberville was published in 1892 in the Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie. The Journal covering another period (from 1549 to 1552) was published by A. de Blangy, copied from the original manuscript discovered in the charter room in Saint-Pierre Eglise.
From 1870 to 1972, the Journal du sire de Gouberville could be found in many libraries. People knew of its existence, it was read, but little use was made of it.

Second phase : Le Roy Ladurie, 1972
One century later, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, republished the book written by the Abbé Tollemer under the title « Un gentilhomme campagnard au Cotentin .(A Country Squire in the Cotentin Peninsula. Le Roy Ladurie was the son of a distinguished country gentleman. He lived in the country and he knew rural life very well. He can be called a « peasant historian ». He seemed to understand the familiar life of Gilles de Gouberville. In his introduction, La Verdeur du bocage (The Greenness of the Copse), he presents Gouberville with intuition and insight as far as the social situations and the daily life of the 16th century are concerned : Gilles de Gouberville was a nobleman of long standing; he was a squire belonging to the country nobility. He lived surrounded by peasants, at the same time above them and in their midst. His Journal immerses us in a very unique way in the rural life of the period.

Third phase : Foisil, 1981
This third study originated in the research seminar of Pierre Chaunu, professor at the Sorbonne ; for a whole year we concentrated on people’s attitudes when facing death. The result was entitled « La mort à Paris » published in 1978. During this seminar, I remarked that in the Journal of the squire of Gouberville, testimony concerning attitudes towards death could perhaps be found and thus began the work that would lead to several publications, including Un gentilhomme campagnard au XVIe siècle (A Country Squire in the 16th Century). Le sire de Gouberville (The Squire of Gouberville) was published in the second number of the magazine l’Histoire in 1978. The text was published in 1981 by Aubier Montaigne, under the title « Le Sire de Gouberville. Un gentilhomme normand au XVIe siècle » (The Squire of Gouberville. A Norman Nobleman of the 16th Century), with a preface by Pierre Chaunu; it was republished in 2001 by Flammarion (collection Champs) where it can still be found today under the same title.
The Journal itself has been reprinted with further studies by Guy Deschamps (4 volumes - Les Editions des champs, 1993-1994).

In a place called Barville, situated in the village of Mesnil au Val, near Cherbourg, can be found the interesting ruins of Gilles de Gouberville’s manor house, and in particular, a dovecote tower. Thanks to the zeal of its owners Anne et Claude Bonnet, this tower has been restored and was classified as a historical monument on February 10, 1987. It is steeped in memory.
The Comité Gilles de Gouberville, an association under the law of 1901, was created on July 11, 1986. Its aim is to encourage the study of Gouberville’s Journal. Each year, at its general assembly, a lecture is presented, which is then published in the Cahiers goubervilliens (Gouberville Notebooks). From 1997 to 2006 ten illustrated issues have been printed.
Such is the situation of the principal works related to the Journal of Gilles de Gouberville which continues to arouse interest and enthusiasm on the part of those who read it.
After these three Gouberville phases, after these 135 years, a new Gouberville phase deserves to be born.

Paper presented by Madeleine Foisil, researcher at the CNRS, chargée d'enseignement at the Sorbonne,
On November 22, 2006 at the University of Paris VIII Villetaneuse, during the research seminar of Marie-José Michel

Let it be pointed out that since this presentation, an inventory of the errors and omissions in the published versions of the Journal from 1553-1563 has been carried out by Marcel Roupsard, starting from the work of Paul Le Cacheux.
Marcel Roupsard is an honorary professor of geography at the University of Caen. These errors and omissions were presented in the three previous articles of the association’s Internet site.

The Forgotten Text

Two pages of the manuscript were unfortunately skipped" by the copyist, covering the dates from May 25 to May 30, 1556.

Two pages of the manuscript transcribed by Tollemer, corresponding to the period from May 25 to May 30, 1556 were " forgotten" when the manuscript was typed for the "Edition des Antiquaires ". (Editions des Champs, volume II, page 270). Apart from the text copied by Tollemer, these pages can be found in the correction made by P. Le Cacheux who referred to Gouberville's original manuscript. We are happy to present them here: NB: The passages in italics correspond to what can be found in the printed editions. The "forgotten" passages are in normal characters.

Le lundi, férye de Penthecouste XXVè, je ne bougé de céans..
Françoys Damours et Jehan Loys y furent quand et eulx qui avoient disné céans. Ilz en revindrent à heure de soupper et avecquez eulx ung compagnon de la guarnison de Cherebourg nommé Paris qui souppèrent et couchèrent céans. Asses tost appres qu'ilz furent venus de la Boussaye vindrent troys compagnons de Fermanville qui estoyent yvres dont l'un nommé Collin Fossé se plaignit que Cantepye l'avoit oultragé. Je luy pensé un coup d'espée qu'il avoit sur la teste.
Ledit jour, apprès que j'eus pensé ledit Fossé, je m'enquis à Thiénot Voysin de Saulsemesnil et à plusieurs de ceste paroisse qui estoyent présentz lors du descort qui avoit comencé la querelle et trouvé que ce avoit esté ledit Fossé pour une loure qu'il avoit ostée par force au petit Greslin de Digoville qu'il Fossé voulloyt retenir d'audace.

Le mardi XXVIè, je ne bougé de céans. Apprès disner je fus à Saulsemesnil voyr mes fieffes près l'Hostel Mouchel où se trouvèrent deux hommes de Monstebourg qui cherchoyent une vache qu'on avoit desrobée quand et celle que je vendy hier à ung nommé de Surtainville qu'on avoit amenée céans de Saint-Martin des Bissons. Dudit lieu de Saulsemesnil m'en allé à la Crevière, Cantepye, La Joye et les deux hommes de Monstebourg quand et moy qui s'en allèrent à Bris et à Saint-Martin chercher leur vache et nous en allasmes par la Croyx au Prestre et par les Merdereaulx chercher les compagnons de ceste ville qui estoyent à la forest à courir du haras. Je ne les trouvé ny eulx ledit haras. Je m'en revins soupper céans. J'y trouvé Thomas Quatorze le jeune et missire Michel Henry de Sainte-Croix qui y souppèrent et couchèrent et Guillaume Fritot de la garnison de Cherebourg.

Le mercredi des quatre temps XXVIè, je ne bougé de céans. Apprès disner je allé à la Haye de Digoville, Symonnet, Thomas Drouet, Noël, La Joye et son frère et plusieurs aultres. Je trouvé plusieurs bestes à laine pasturantes sur mes fieffes que je fys assembler en ung planistre. Puys les rendy à ceulx à qui elles estoyent comme la femme Quentin le Court, la veufve Jehan Noyon, la bergère au curay de Gonneville et aultres. Puys nous en vinsmes par les closages Auvray où nous trouvasmes Gilles et ses serviteurs qui faisoyent des fourneaulx de terre qui s'en vinst soupper avecquez nous et ledit Drouet. Passant près la maison dudit Auvray trouvasmes ung jeune rossignol que son père appasteloyt. Nous faillismes par plusieurs foys à le prendre. Dès le matin Thomas Quatorze le jeune, missire Michel Henry et Cantepye allèrent à Vallongnes. Ledit Quatorze s'en alloyt à Paris. Pour deux mains de pappier et une libvre de chandelle que Cantepie apporta : IIIs. VIIId.
Ledit jour, j'envoyé à Philippin Hamel par sa fille IIIs. sur la première tasche qu'il me fera. Il estoyt malade gesant en son lict. Je le fus voyer en allant à la Haye de Digoville, Thomas Drouet avecques moy.

Le jeudi XXVIIIè, je ne bougé de céans. Maistre Jehan Potet, missire Jehan Auvray et le cappitaine du Teil se y trouvèrent à disner. Ledit cappitaine recueilloyt la dixme des laines pour ce que son frère est fermier du bénéfice de ceste parroisse. Je luy baillé XVIIIs. Pour ce que j'avoye de dixme de laine. XVIIIs. Ledit jour apprès disner je m'en allé à Saulsemesnil pour fère mesurer ma terre près la maison Mouchel, ledit Potet, Cantepye, Symonnet, La Joye et Thiénot Voysin quant et moy. Ledit Potet fist la mesure, présentz Deny Gosselin, ledit Voysin et ses troys frères, Roger Mouchel et plusieurs aultres des habitans de l'environ. Ce faict nous allasmes repaistre chez Thomas Mouchel. Puys nous en vinsmes. Il estoyt viron cinq heures. Ledit Potet souppa céans. Puys s'en alla coucher à Tourlaville. Je fys semer du sarrazin au clos au Choysi et hier aux Croultes. Au matin Jehan Liot allant à Vallongnes passa par céans et me conta comme son fils Clément s'en estoyt allé à Parys. Je convyé ledit Liot et Gilles Auvray qui estoyt quand et luy jusques à la Grand Mare.

Le vendredi XXIXè, apprès desjeuner je m'en allé à Gouberville, Cantepye avecques moy. Nous y arrivasmes à mydi. Joret n'y estoyt poinct. Il estoyt à Gatteville faire férer une roe. Je l'envoyé quérir. Pendant lequel temps je me dormy. Puys regardasmes quelles bestes il maineroyt demain à la fère de la Pernelle. Je party à troys heures, le vicayre et Joret me convièrent jusques près la chasse du Mor. Nous parlasmes à Michel Le Fevbre et à son frère qui estoupoient à un clos qu'ils ont fait neuf. Avant que desjeuner céans au matin j'avoye achapté quatre maquereaulx qui coustèrent XXd.
Ledit jour,

Le sabmedi pénultime, jour de la fère de la Pernelle, je ne bougé de céans. Cantepye, Hubert et Girot Maillart furent à la fère. Pour une poultre (brune) esennée que maistre Michel Le Pelletier achapta : IX L. XVIs. Et pour deux géniches noyres de deux ans XI L. XX L. XVIs.
Ledit jour, pour une payre de souliers pour Maillard...

Marcel Roupsard

MISTAKES AND MISSING PASSAGES IN THE JOURNAL OF GILLES DE GOUBERVILLE

The published version of Gilles de Gouberville’s Journal (Edition des Antiquaires de Normandie in 1894-95 and the reprinted edition in 1993-94, Editions des champs) is the fruit of a complicated process of handwritten transcriptions, which were then typed, resulting in a few imperfections, including reading errors, omissions, and forgotten passages.
Today it is necessary to correct these mistakes, whenever possible, before undertaking any serious study of the document.

The three volumes of the original manuscript are no longer accessible, perhaps even lost, and no complete photographic copy was made; out of nearly 2 550 pages, only a dozen were photographed, amounting to only 0.5%.
Only two documents exist today that can be used to check the published text:
- the handwritten transcription made by Tollemer, kept in the Archives de la Manche, in Saint Lô
- the corrections made by Paul Le Cacheux just before World War II, based on the two original volumes that were placed at his disposal, covering the period from 1553 to 1563 (volumes II et III of the Edition des champs), which were discovered and copied by Tollemer.
The first of these documents allows us to judge the quality of the transcription and to attribute the responsibility for the errors either to Tollemer, or to the typographer. The second document provides a complete list of errors and blanks discovered by Le Cacheux for the period of 1553-1563 along with their corrections.

As for the volume used by Auguste de Blangy, covering the years 1549 to 1553 (volume I of the Edition des champs), it is unfortunately impossible to control the existence of errors, while at the same time, it is almost certain that numerous mistakes were made and several passages forgotten when it was first transcribed and also when it was first typed.

The corrections made by P. Le Cacheux (which can be consulted at the Archives de la Manche) are a precious help to the readers of the Journal for the period from 1553 to 1563. In all, there are about 2 400 corrections, in average about three per printed page; two thirds of the errors can be attributed to Tollemer and one third to the typographer. A breakdown of all these corrections reveals that 37% of the mistakes come from a misreading of words or common nouns, 22% concern proper nouns, 10% concern figures (accounts), and 31% concern missing words, phrases or sometimes even entire sentences.
For the vast majority, the corrections concern minor mistakes which do not greatly alter the meaning of the text ; they are therefore of use only to those who carry out a meticulous study of the text. However, some of the mistakes or missing passages, at times only one missing word, can lead to misinterpretations or misunderstandings concerning certain characters or events. For example, when Gilles wrote on July 19, 1559 : « pour ce que lesd. faulcheurs n’eussent pu achever se jourd’huy sans cydre, je fys venir deux faulcheurs de Cherebourg,…» : (“because the afore mentioned reapers couldn’t finish the day without cider, I sent for two reapers from Cherbourg”), one must not hastily deduce that the work carried out depended on the quantity of drink given to the workers, since the word « cydre » (cider) should be replaced by the word « ayde » (help), making it clear that on that particular day, Gilles did not have enough workers to finish reaping the meadows in Tourlaville.
Last, but not least, the corrections made by P. Le Cacheux allow the reader to recuperate considerable passages, which correspond most frequently to short paragraphs of two or three lines that Tollemer or the typographer “forgot”.
In seven cases, these paragraphs represent an entire day, the omission of which can be explained by the carelessness or inattention of the transcriber, whereas several short entries follow each other, repeating the same formula « je ne bougé de céans », (“I didn’t go out today.”).
The longest missing passage, and the most annoying, is due to the typographer who “forgot” two whole pages of Tollemer’s text, beginning at the end of May 25, and continuing until the beginning of May 30, 1556, including the entries for May 26, 27 28 and 29. Several events were thus “forgotten”, such as the festival at la Boussaye on Whit Monday, the theft of a cow, the damage done by sheep at the fiefs of la Haye de Digosville, the surveying of land at Sauxemesnil, a trip to Gouberville and a part of the fair at la Pernelle. Oddly enough, one of the rare photographs of the original manuscript shows the end of this missing passage (May 29-30).

So while the precious corrections of P. Le Cacheux have saved the essential meaning for most of the Journal, one can only regret that the original text, written by the hand of the squire of Gouberville remains inaccessible today.

Marcel Roupsard

THE « MOMMON » IN GILLES DE GOUBERVILLE'S JOURNAL

In his Journal, Gilles mentions several times a practice that strikes us today as curious : carrying a “mommon” (“porter un mommon“) spelled “momon” in modern French.

Etymologically, the word “momon” comes from the old French “momer, mommer” which means to wear a mask or perform mascarades ; this meaning was attested in the XIIIth century. The word is probably onomatopoeic in origin imitating the deformed sounds made by people speaking behind masks (Tresor de la Langue Française : ATILF/CNRS).

The word has several definitions : according to the Tresor de la Langue Française, the “momon” is any sort of mumming or mascarade carried out during carnaval-time by masked dancers, or via metonymy, a tumbler or a masked dancer. Another meaning given is that it was a game of dice played without speaking, or money bet on dice carried by someone wearing a mask.

Eugène de Robillard de Beaurepaire, in his study on rural Normandy in the XVIth century, (Etude sur la vie rurale en Normandie au xvième siècle.- Introduction to the M.S.A.N. edition of the Journal, 1892), defines the momon as “an object hidden under a cloth and which was then carried with great ceremony to various houses where the inhabitants would try to guess the nature of the object. The head of the household was generally expected to solve the riddle or else to pay a forfeit or donate a sum of money. Needless to say, he rarely guessed correctly and paid up practically all the time. The momon could be carried on various days of the year, but almost always on Shrove Tuesday, when it was a good excuse to partake of copious libations.”.

Sir James George Frazer, in his book called the Golden Bough, believes that the practice of« mumming » originated with the tree worshiping peoples who lived a long time ago in the densely forested areas of Europe. Mumming usually involved a group of participants wearing masks, sometimes made of straw, and clothes decorated with ribbons or rags who would make a sort of procession through the neighbourhood singing songs and carrying branches of greenery.
* The Golden Bough (1890) by J.Frazer is a unique anthropological work in which the author tries to give an exhaustive description of magic, religion, culture and folklore.

The expression “to carry a momon“ (“porter un mommon“) is found on five separate occasions in the Journal.

• On December 9 1551, the reasons for carrying it are not clearly stated ; Cantepye and his friends take it to the house of someone who has just received a « reverence » (has been accorded a benefit or an advantage):
  Apprès soupper Cantepye, Dabillon et le jeune Essartz allèrent chez Noël le Bourg porter ung mommon à Quetot qui avoyt se jourd'huy gaigne la révérence du bénéfice de Montagu contre Frican. (After supper, Cantepye, Dabillon and the young Essart went to Noël Le Bourg's house to carry a momon to Quetot who had that very day won the reverence of the benefit of Montagu against Frican.)
  
  
• On December 4 1553, it was carried by a merry group of companions. Cantepie and Symonnet were coming home from a wedding and took the momon to the home of someone returning from another wedding :
  Viron IX heures, je retourné disner chez Fréret avec la compagnée d'hier. Apprès avoir disné et dansé, je donné V s. au cuysinier qui avoyt accoustré le banquet. Il estoyt pres de quattre heures quand nous partismes, Cantepye et Symonnet estoyent avecques moy. Appres soupper, ilz furent porter ung mommon chez Auvré au cappitaine du Teil et aultres, qui estoyent revenus de nopces de Pasquette Auvré chez Roumy, a Sct-Martin-le-Pauvre.
  (Around nine o’clock, I returned to Fréret’s house to dine with the same company as yesterday. After dining and dancing, I gave five sols to the cook who had prepared the banquet. It was almost four o’clock when we left ; Cantepye and Symonnet were with me. After supper, they went to carry a momon to Auvré, to the captain at Le Theil and to others who had returned from Pasquette Auvré’s wedding at Roumy’s house in Saint Martin le Pauvre.)
  
  
• The “mommon” mentioned on January 25 “1553”, appeared at a celebration after a woman’s confinement where everyone seemed to be quite inebriated :
  Apprès soupper Cantepye, Symonnet, Jehan Douart (…) allèrent [aux relevailles de la femme de Thomas Drouet] porter un mommon et y furent jusques à mynuyct. Maistre François s’y coiffa si bien qu’il estoyt tout de fange quand ils revindrent. François Drouet et Jehan Douart le couchèrent en son lict. Gaultier Birette y avoyt souppé, qui en revinst bon compagnon. Jehan Groult, filz Richard, y demeura por ce qu’il avoyt tant beu, qu’il ne pouvoyt ny parler, ni cheminer. (After supper, Cantepye, Symonnet, Jehan Douart (…) went to carry a momon to celebrate the end of the confinement of Thomas Drouet’s wife and stayed there until midnight. Master François was so dishevelled that he was covered in mire when they returned. François Drouet and Jehan Douart put him to bed. Gaultier Birette had supper there and returned in high spirits. Jehan Groult, Richard’s son, remained there because he had drunk so much that he could neither talk nor walk.)
  
  
• On Shrove Tuesday, “1553”, the “mommon” was carried by six hardy fellows, including Cantepie to several different places :
  Chez Les Essartz à Sct-Gabriel, chez Cabart à Digoville et au manoir dudit lieu où les Bons Hommes [ ?] sont fermiers ; il estoyt quasy mynuyct quand ilz en revindrent. (6 février “1553“) (To the Essartz in Saint Gabriel, to Cabart’s house in Digoville and to the manor house there where the goodfellows (?] are farmers ; it was almost midnight when they came back . (February 6, “1553”)
  
  
• The last mention is on February 18 “1560”, which was, once again, Shrove Tuesday  and the only time that Gilles mentions a sort of betting game :
  Le mardi gras (...). Apprès que fusmes là arrivés [à Sorteval], y vindrent le Sr de Couvert et sa femme, mademoyselle de Lamberville et sa seur et plusieurs aultres personnes que je congnoys, (…), tous lesquelz dessusd. apportèrent un mousmon qu’ilz gagnèrent contre mon frère (…).(On Shrove Tuesday, after we reached Sorteval, the lord of Couvert with his wife, mademoyselle de Lamberville  and her sister, along with several others of my acquaintance arrived(…), all of whom carried a momon that they had won from my brother.)
  

The practice of carrying the momon seems to have lasted until Molière’s time, because in the play entitled Le Bourgeois gentilhomme, Madame Jourdain cries : Ah! Mon Dieu! Miséricorde! Qu'est-ce donc que cela ? Quelle figure ! Est-ce un mommon que vous allez porter, et est-il temps d'aller en masque ? (V,1).(Oh my God ! Mercy me ! What have we here ? What an apparition ! Is it a momon that you are going to carry and is it time to put on a mask ?).

Jacqueline Vastel
With the help of Jocelyne Leparmentier, Maria Hennequin and Alexandra Sinclair

GILLES DE GOUBERVILLE AND HIS DOGS

Hunting was an important activity in the lives of country squires in the North Cotentin of the 16th century, all the more so as the region was well-timbered. On the one hand, it was good fun and a useful way of training for war, but hunting was also an appreciated way of providing extra food, especially for special feasts such as weddings and holidays.
Dogs were indispensable companions: hunting dogs, greyhounds, mastiffs, watchdogs . They were raised in great numbers in every manor house, and were treated with special care as a precious part of the family wealth.

Gilles de Gouberville, although oddly enough not much of a hunter, or perhaps not a hunter at all, speaks of them almost with affection. Dogs are often lent from one squire to another and some of them even achieve « champion » status :

- « Le sieur de Couriac, cappitaine de Cherbourg, me priet que je luy envoyasses mes chiens » (23 août 1553) (Captain de Couriac in Cherbourg asked me to send him my dogs - August 23 1553)

- « ... arriva Françoys Damours, au nom de Monsr Poton, qui me pryoyest que demain soleil levant j'envoyasse une laisse [une meute] de lévriers et ma chienne Mitaine à St Mor [commune de Tourlaville], pour ce qu'il vouloyt voyer courir une levrette que Mademoiselle de St Paul* luy avoyt envoyée » (1 er mai 1551) (Françoys Damours arrived, in the service of Monsieur Poton who begged me to send him my pack of greyhounds and my dog, Mitaine, to St. Mor tomorrow at dawn because he wanted to see how well a greyhound bitch sent to him by Mademoiselle de Saint Paul* could run - May 1, 1551)

*Marie de Bourbon, future duchess of Estouteville and countess of Saint Paul who lived at the time in a house called " Galleries" in Bricquebec.

Dogs were such a precious commodity that Gilles did not hesitate to post a monitoire* when someone once stole a dog from him.

* monitoire : letter obtained from a church official, published in the parish, obliging the faithful to come forward and relate whatever they knew about certain deeds, under threat of excommunication (Furetière)

It should be mentioned in passing that many dogs were brought over from England :

« Robert Bordes, père de mon Angloys, arriva et avoyt deux grand chiens courans rouges qu'il avoyt amenés d'Angleterre » (4 septembre 1553) (Robert Bordes, the father of my English waiter arrived today ; he had two large red hunting dogs that he had brought from England - September 4, 1553)

In the same way, some of the manor dogs were sent afar :

« Je donné deux de mes chiens aud. sr Pierres Dosses, qui estoyt party à ce matin de céans, lesquelz il envoyé par la mer à Bordeaux au cappitaine Lane, son cousin » (20 septembre 1553) (I gave two of my dogs to Pierre Dosses, who left here this morning with the intention of sending them by sea to Bordeaux to his cousin, Captain Lane - September 20, 1553)

However, there was already a great obsession with rabies. The disease was well-known and everyone was familiar with its fatal issue. Dogs were quite often wounded:

- « [Ils] trouvèrent deux loupz qui blécèrent Coliche et deux aultres chiens » (18 novembre 1554) (They found two wolves that had wounded Coliche and two other dogs - November 18, 1554)

- « Le dit cerf sortit ès parcs Fouchart et creva un oil à ma levrette escarlatte » (29 janvier 1559 : « 1560 ») (The stag came out of the Fouchart park and gouged out an eye of my scarlet greyhound bitch - January 29, 1560)

- « [Ils] ramenèrent Sondart à qui les boyaulx trainoyent de la blessure d'un senglier que des chiens couroyent » (5 janvier 1555 : « 1554 ») (They brought Sondart back ; he had been disembowelled by a boar that the dogs were chasing - January 5, 1555)

The treatment recommended for rabid dogs - at least, the one recommended in Gouberville's Journal - was based essentially on bathing the dogs in seawater, which obviously presented no particular difficulties in the North Cotentin area which is surrounded by the sea on three sides. Dogs, unlike men with rabies, will not try to run away from water.

As for humans, there was no preventive treatment for rabies, so to speak. An interesting example of this is provided by Gilles de Gouberville himself when he was bitten on the leg by a dog belonging to Jean Paris on November 6, 1556. The wound was excised on Saturday the 8th by the barber-surgeon of Montebourg. On Sunday November 15, his leg was still very painful and ointments were applied. On Tuesday, November 17, Gilles decided to go to the church in Bretteville (Saire). He went there accompanied by the curé of Tourlaville, who said a Mass - with Gilles present - in front of the statue of Saint Hubert , renowned for being the best healer of rabies. It can also be added that the Bricqueville family, of Bretteville, asserted that they were the direct descendants of saint Hubert (!) and because of their ancestry, claimed also to possess the gift of healing rabies.

Gilles de Gouberville managed to avoid rabies but his leg remained sore for a long time thereafter.

Claude BONNET

This collection which is classified as the sub-series 19J in the archives of the departement of La Manche consists of original documents relating to Gilles de Gouberville and his circle of friends and acquaintances which have been acquired either by donation or public purchase and the documentation assembled by the archives service.

Gilles Picot, sire of Gouberville and of Mesnil-au-Val, is one of the most famous historical characters of the departement. His life covers the reigns of five different kings of the Valois dynasty. However it is not to his involvement in the important affairs of the kingdom that he owes his posthumous celebrity. The interest of his daily recordings lies in the meticulous description of his day-to-day life. His Journal allows us to study various aspects of the old regime (pre-revolutionary France ) such as working in the fields, village sociability or the rural mentality in the Cotentin of the 16 th century. Ever since it was first published at the end of the 19 th century, Gille de Gouberville's Journal has constantly been studied by historians who consider this "book of reason" as the most complete of its kind. The documents in the collection of the departmental archives form an indispensable complement to the Journal for researchers and anyone who is seriously interested in Gilles de Gouberville.

Many biographical elements would be ignored or inaccessible without these documents; for example, without these private papers, it would be difficult to identify the family ties between Gilles and the other members of his family(1). Other documents such as testaments and letters exchanged with members of his family help us to better understand the personality of this Norman nobleman who reveals very little of himself in his daily notes. Another example is the set of letters sent to Guyon Le Long, who was in charge of the administration of some of the lands Gilles inherited in Russy; these letters provide important information on the way Gilles managed his domain and on his relationships with his servants. All of the original documents, with the exception of two manuscript copies of the Journal (that of the Abbé Tollemer, donated to the departmental archives by François de Beaurepaire and that of Léopold Delisle),were purchased at a public auction in Cherbourg on October 6, 2003(2). One part of them corresponds to the documents found in the Saint-Pierre Eglise cartulary and used by the Count de Blangy(3) at the end of the 19 th century to write his essay on Gilles de Gouberville. Their trace had been lost afterwards(4). They cover the period from 1545-1579. The other part is made up of different manuscripts and Count de Blangy's notes.

The collection of the departmental archives is divided into two parts:
- The original documents, among which a distinction is made between the archives produced by the Picot family of Gouberville in the 16th century, the manuscript copies of the Journal, and the studies made in the 19th century;
- The documentation concerning Gilles de Gouberville and his Journal , to which has been added the correspondence and the notes of M. Nédélec, former director of the Archives of the Departement of La Manche , about the Journal . This collection will probably grow in the years to come.

Ségolène Garçon

In Répertoire méthodique de la collection Gilles de Gouberville , Saint-Lô :
archives départementales de la Manche , 2004.

------------------
(1) Yves NEDELEC, « Notule bibliographique sur Gilles de Gouberville et son « Journal » (1549-1563)dans Le Journal de Gilles de Gouberville. Bricqueboscq: les Editions des Champs, 1994. t.IV, p.328
(2) The documents were offered for sale by the descendants of the Toustain-Richebourg family who had inherited a part og the Blangy family collection.
(3) Comte Auguste de Blangy (1833-1918), head of a cavalry squadron, officer of the Légion d'Honneur, mayor of Juvigny. In 1895, he was one of the editors of the Journal in the 19th century, after Eugène Robillard de Beaurepaire (1894).
(4) Yves NEDELEC, op.cit., p.415-450.

According to the “Coutume”, a text which regulated dealings between individuals in Normandy before the Revolution, parents were never obliged to endow their daughters, which is summed up nicely in the two common sayings : “a husband and nothing more” and “only he that wants, endows.”
However, since the Normans disapproved of unsuitable marriages, fathers were bound to find a “fitting” husband for their daughters, i.e. someone with a similar social background and fortune. If both parents were deceased, young unmarried girls became the wards of their elder brothers. This legacy combined both the tradition of the Germanic “mundium”, which prescribed that girls, incapable of defending themselves by the sword, should be under the guardianship of the head of the family, and the Roman notion of “imbecillatas sexus”, which defined women as fragile beings, capable of harming their own interests if not suitably protected as far as all legal acts were concerned. While older brothers were not always so benevolent towards their sisters as their parents would have been, they were at least obliged to marry them off decently, and to provide a “mariage avenant,” an attractive proposal, which entailed a suitable dowry. Providing this dowry was consequently a legal obligation for any eldest son who had become head of the family.
Such was the plight of Gilles de Gouberville who, after the demise of his parents, had to attend to the destinies of his still unmarried sisters. This applied of course to his legitimate sisters, like Renée and Tassine, but also to his natural sisters, for example Guillemette, the illegitimate daughter of his father Guillaume. In fact, according to the adage “he who makes a child, must feed it”, parents were responsible for the welfare of their bastard children, and these responsibilities fell onto their legitimate children after their death, who inherited both rights and duties.
The Journal refers several times to the dowries given by Gilles to his sisters: that of Renée, his legitimate sister and especially that of Guillemette, his natural sister, but also to that of Tassine.
As Renée was already married to Monsieur de Saint Naser when Gilles started writing the Journal, the question of her dowry is merely mentioned when Gilles regularized the account. For this reason, on Friday, August 14, 1551, he sent Symonnet to Valognes to
“… porter XXX libvres tournois à Gratian Alexandre que je luy debvoys encore de l’an 1543 pour des draps de soye du mariage de ma seur de Sainct Naser.” (… c arry 30 pounds that I still owed to Gratien Alexandre from the year 1543 for the silk sheets for my sister Saint Naser’s marriage.)
We can observe that Gouberville was not always in a great hurry to settle his debts !
The money just mentioned was to pay for silk sheets. A dowry could be made up of donated movables (silver, clothing, furniture, jewellery, “a complete bed”, livestock…) or real estate (land, houses, rents…).
The “attractive proposal” offered to Guillemette is a perfect illustration of this diversity and attests the desire of Gilles to find a good situation for his bastard sister. Needless to say, this was all the more convenient for him since he did not hesitate to appeal to other members of the family for contributions. On October 25, 1555, he wrote
“Led. jour au soyer, Lajoye revinst de Russy, ou il estoyt allé lundi dernier et apporta XXII libvres X solz que mon oncle luy bailla et XVIII libvres que ma soeur luy bailla pour ayder à marier Guillemette.” ( On the evening of this day, Lajoye came back from Russy, where he went last Monday, bringing 22 pounds 10 s. that my uncle gave him and 18 pounds that my sister gave him to help marry Guillemette .)
Only when he was sure of these financial dispositions, could the marriage be officialized, and four months later, on Wednesday, February 10, 1556, Gilles added :
“Led. jour au soyer, Cantepye fiancea Guillemette, fille naturelle de feu mon père.” ( On this day, in the evening, Cantepye was betrothed to Guillemette, the natural daughter of my late father .)
It should be noticed that by choosing his faithful companion, Gilles did not falter in his duties, since the match was quite suitable and Cantepye was a “fitting” husband. Once the couple was engaged, Gilles had to meet considerable expenses to constitute the trousseau which would be part of his half-sister’s dowry. On the 22 nd, he tells us
“Led jour, Cantepye fut à Vallongnes et revinst apprès mydi, Thomas Troude quand et luy, qui apporta du tenné canelé, dont j’achatté un aulnes et demye pour faire une robe à Guillemette, qui coustèrent XI lib. ts. XII S., que je ne payé poinct, pour ce que je vouloys parler à son père.” ( On this day, Cantepye went to Valognes and returned after noon, with Thomas Troude who brought some “tenné canelé” (sort of cloth) of which I purchased an aune and a half to make a dress for Guillemette that cost 11 pounds ts and 12 s., but that I did not pay because I wanted to speak to his fathe r.)
And indeed, a few days later, on Wednesday the 24 th
“Estienne Troude, de Vallongnes, y vinst. J’achatté de luy une demye pièce de camelot noyr pour Guillemette.” ( Estienne Troude, from Valognes, came to the house. I purchased from him half a piece of black cloth (camelot) for Guillemette .)
Gilles then paid for what he had bought and what he owed his son. The same day
“Au soyer, arriva Pierres Benesc, de Vallongnes... qui apporta du veloux dont j’achatté une aulne et une mesurette pour fère ung chapperon et ung collet à Guillemette.” (I n the evening, Pierre Benesc arrived from Valognes… and brought with him some velvet, of which I purchased an aune and an extra measure to make a hood and a collar for Guillemette.)
His critics might think that when Gilles complained of being “ tout le jour fort malade (...) et ne souppé point ” ( being very ill all day long (…) and not having any supper ) that his complaints were more likely to have sprung from the considerable expenses incurred that day rather than because of a “reusme” (a cold) , however that would be an under-estimation of the sincere affection he felt towards his half-sister. On Monday, July 5, 1557, we learn once again that
“Tout le jour Nicollas Symon, tailleur, et deux serviteurs vindrent pour fère les accoustrements de Guillemette.” ( All day long, Nicollas Symon, the tailor, and two of his servants came to make Guillemette’s trappings).
However, Guillemette’s dowry was also partially composed of livestock. On Tuesday, February 16, 1556, Gilles wrote
“J’envoyé Yves Berger et Jehan Varin à Triauville mener deux vaches et deux aumaulx du mariage de Cantepye.” ( I sent Yves Berger and Jehan Varin to Triauville to bring two cows and two calves for Cantepye’s marriage .
Whether they were destined to become part of Cantepye’s own herd or whether they were to be butchered for the wedding feast, they definitely seem to be more part of the dowry than a wedding gift.
Finally, besides the trousseau and the livestock, Gilles seems to have endowed his sister with land, as attests the mention he made on April 19, 1558:
“Cantepie fut à Barfieu pour fère grossoyer la fieffe que Nicolas Leblond m’avoyt faicte à jour passé, que j’avoys laissée aud. Cantepye, en faisant le mariage de luy et sa femme.” ( Cantepie went to Barfleur to make the first copy of the deed for the fief that Nicolas Leblond had given to me before and that I left to the afore-mentioned Cantepye, when making the marriage settlement for him and his wife.)
As to Tassine, a legitimate sister as was Renée, when Gilles mentions her dowry, it is only to threaten to withhold it. Indeed, the custom allowed the head of the family who was responsible for the family’s honour and reputation, to deprive any sister who disobeyed her brother’s orders of the “attractive proposal.” And we know that Gilles disapproved of Tassine’s misbehaviour and the well-known fact that she and François Thezard, the lord of Essarts, were living together as man and wife. In April 1562, during a heated argument, he threatened to deprive his sister of her dowry if she refused to leave the house of the man with whom she was living and return to Mesnil-au-Val :
“… et luy dys que, pour son refus d’accepter mon offre, que je me deffendroys de toutes ses demandes.” (… and I told her that if she refused my offer, I would not oblige any of her demands .)
It can be easily deduced from this one very particular point how erroneous the idea that we forge of ancient laws and customs can actually be. The Norman custom was to secure the protection of girls from their brothers, suspected of being less generous than their parents, and of illegitimate children as well as to ensure the respect and the dignity of the family. Studying the question of the dowry in the Journal helps the reader to understand an era where the protection of one social group coincided with the protection of individuals.

Sophie Poirey

It is a well-known fact that Gilles de Gouberville did not write a Journal in the modern sense of the term, but rather a "book of reason", in which he noted his Mises et receptes (expenditures and receipts). Fortunately for us, he did more than simply restricting himself to jotting down how much he spent, leaving us a unique document on the life and activities of a country squire of the 16 th Century. However, we must resign ourselves to the fact that Gilles was extremely discrete about his inner feelings. To add to this misfortune, whatever he may have written from 1562 until his death sixteen years later, has been lost.

It was on April 27, 1562 that he first mentioned the term "Huguenots", a name invented in Geneva around 1550 [probably from the German eidgenossen (confederates) though some scholars contest this etymology]. Someone had told him that upholders of the new religion were hiding in the woods and that they were threatening to attack the abbey in Cherbourg . "Sot bruit !" (Silly rumour) was his judgement. This occurred not long after the Wassy massacre on March 1, 1550 which signalled the beginning of a civil war.

The first reformers denounced the abuses committed within the ecclesiastic world. It seems unlikely that Gilles was interested in the profession of their faith for moral reasons. Did he not admit with disarming candour that he had made sure he would obtain the livings of the parishes of Gouberville and Menesqueville, where his uncle Jehan, Lord and " curé " of Roissy, was incumbent, under a false name and by using forgery ? (cf October 1 and 8, 1550) One thing however is certain : he was more than a little curious about these new doctrines, if not for written works that he never actually mentions, at least for the words he heard from the pulpits of various churches. For example, on May 17, 1562, in Bayeux, he attended a " sermon du Sr de Villiez, ministre, qui se fist au temple de Saint-Malo ", and on the same evening he listened to another sermon in Etreham, and to a third one the following day given by " Mr. Desmolins ", this time in Carentan. What is noteworthy here is that May 17 was Pentecost Sunday (Whitsunday), a holy day of obligation for Catholics, and there is no mention of Mass in Gilles' " Mises et receptes " !

On May 15, he saw "les ruines et fragments des ymages " (the ruins and fragments (.) of the images and the altars) of the Cathedral that had been ransacked under the pretext of fighting against idolatry. Yet, there is no comment from Gilles !

The entry of June 8 informs us that on the day before, six Protestants, most of them people of note whom Gilles knew well, had been massacred and their corpses defiled by the rabble in Valognes. All hell broke loose : on June 18, the madmen from the other side pillaged the parish church in Valognes and the convent of the Cordeliers where a monk was killed because he had tried to save the " saintes espèces " (holy species, the Eucharistic elements). Once again, it is odd that Gilles makes no mention whatsoever. Generally speaking, he remains silent on controversial religious matters. With one exception! In response to an inhabitant of Bayeux who, either by way of provocation or pleasantry, had proposed that "un Dieu tout nouveau qui ne soit ne papiste ne huguenot " (a new God who was neither Papist nor Huguenot) be invented, Gilles solemnly answered in an almost correct Latin, " Unus est Deus ab eterno et eternus " which was hardly compromising : both Catholics and Protestants agreed on the belief in one, eternal God, revealed to Abraham ! (August 4, 1562).

On October 31, while he was auctioning off the acorns and the beechnuts from the royal domain in Valognes, Gilles was verbally attacked, rather violently, by a man named Lejuez who accused him, against all evidence, of having participated in the " ravagement et saccagement des maisons et église de ceste ville " (pillaging and ransacking of houses and the church in this town). Nowhere is it mentioned that he obtained redress for these insults. Moreover, Gilles was not in the good graces of the governor, Matignon, and for a short period, he seems to have savoured of heresy.

Like the other nobles in Normandy , he should have sworn allegiance to the king and his established church, in conformity with the required mandate of Matignon, the Lieutenant General. As to the first point, there was no hesitation : he had always professed the greatest respect for the king, " nostre Sire "; however, concerning the second, he needed to have his ears tweaked and only " protesta "(professed) his attachment to the " Scte Eglise, romaine, catholique et apostolique " (Holy Church, Roman, Catholic and Apostolic) on the afternoon of October 1, 1562 in Valognes, being one of the last to do so. He never mentions any inner turmoil, but he finally chose, without a doubt, to act prudently, opting for one of the cardinal virtues.

Young Jean Vauquelin de la Fresnaye, a faithful defender of the legitimate king, even Henri of Navarre, wrote, the following year : " Dieu n'aidera pas à la division / Car il est Dieu de paix et d'union " (God will not assist division / For He is the God of peace and harmony.)

Guy Nondier

The Mesnil seigniory was defined as a " fief with a manor house, a chapel and a pigeon aviary  " (Recognition made to the King, 23 May, 1519 )

What exactly was a fief ?
A fief was a property bestowed by a lord to a vassal.
The vassal was not the owner of the fief; he could lose it if he failed to fulfil his obligations towards his lord (which included loyalty, military service, advice, help, etc.) As long as he fulfilled these obligations however, he enjoyed complete possession of the property.
Upon the death of the vassal, theoretically the property was returned to the lord, but from a very early date, its transfer became hereditary. In practically all instances, the lord would give the fief to the new vassal as soon as he promised allegiance and made a recognition (a list of properties for which he paid a transfer fee).
Originally, a fief could not be divided, and this remained the case in Normandy , whereas in other provinces, this applied only to fiefs of the dignity, such as dukedoms, earldoms and baronies. There was one exception: fiefs belonging to Norman squires who had no sons, but only female descendants, could be divided.
When Gilles de Gouberville died, the seigniory of Mesnil du Val was divided between his sister Renée du Moncel and his niece Jacqueline du Parc : «  item la moitié de la chapelle et colombier estant devant la porte du manoir  ». "also half of the chapel and the dovecote situated in front of the manor door."

The Right to Own a Dovecote
This right appeared at a time when lords with limited revenues tried to derive as much profit as possible from everything they possessed, including pigeons. Pigeons could be eaten; they also provided eggs, and a very useful fertilizer. They were much appreciated when given as a present.
From the end of the 13th century onwards, the right to own dovecotes was reserved to lords who dispensed justice and fief-holders who possessed complete judicial powers over their estates.
No-one else was allowed to possess or kill pigeons, even if they destroyed the crops.
There were two kinds of dovecotes :
•  separate dovecotes, build in the shape of a tower ; these were a sign of nobility for the lords who owned them
•  aviaries and other dovecotes that were located over a cellar or a stable.

The Dovecote in Barville
Gilles possessed a dovecote in Gouberville, which no longer exists and another one in Le Mesnil which is mentioned much more frequently in the Journal . It was located in the tower* «  devant la porte du manoir  » (in front of door to the manor house.)
* Built at the end of the 15th century or the beginning of the 16th, the ground floor of the tower was used as a chapel (piscina for the priest's ablutions and the remains of a holy-water fount) and from the chapel, a spiral staircase, built into one of the buttresses leads to a dovecote. Pigeon holes covered the entire surface, some of which are damaged. (A. Bonnet)
The dovecote contained about nine hundred holes (called "putlogs") accommodating one thousand eight hundred pigeons. In principle, each hole corresponded to an acre* of land, the amount of land estimated necessary to feed a couple of pigeons.
* an area that fluctuated from one region to another (from 3500 to 5000 m²). In Normandy in the 12th century, it was 42 ares and 20 centiares, thus 4220 m²
The custom in Paris , influential here, was that only lords who possessed more than 50 acres of land, had the right to own a dovecote, and some historians add that the land had to be ploughable.
Gilles sent pigeons as presents to people with whom he had business dealings or as a sign of respect :
          «  Apprès disné, sur les deux heures, Jehan Caulvain, drapier de Cherebourg, vinst céans ; je luy donné quattre pigeons. Il avoyt affère à moy touchant mes prays de Tourlaville  » (26 août 1554) (After dinner, about two o'clock , Jehan Caulvain, a draper from Cherbourg came to the house; I gave him four pigeons. He had business with me concerning my meadows in Tourlaville. - August 26, 1554 )
          «  Cantepye fut de matin à Vallongnes et revinst ung peu apprès mydi. Il estoyt allé parler au greffier du bailly et à Rattault pour la monstre du ban qui est à Sct-Lo sabmedi. Je leur envoyé une douzaine de pigeons.  » (29 avril 1557) (Cantepie went to Valognes this morning and returned shortly past noon . He had gone there to talk to the bailiff and to Rattault about the ban meeting which is to be held in Saint Lô on Saturday. I sent them a dozen pigeons. - April 29, 1557 )
He even occasionally purchased pigeons with the intention of giving them as presents, proof that they were considered a typical gift.
          «  Au matin, j'avoye faict présenter par Cantepye deux perdrix, deux ramiers et deux vitecoz [genre de bécasse] à Messieurs les enfans de Monsieur le comte de Tende, lorsqu'ilz disnoyst au chasteau. L'un des vitecoz et les ramiers coustèrent IX s.  » (19 décembre 1553) (The following morning, I had Cantepie give two partridges, two wood pigeons and two "vitecoz" (a sort of woodcock) to the honourable children of the count of Tende when they dined with me at the manor. One of the woodcocks and the pigeons cost 19 sous. - December 19, 1553 )
Gilles probably even appreciated the company of pigeons : one of them seems to have been kept in his room :
          «  La relevée, l'un de mes ramiers sortit par la fenestre de ma chambre et fut tué d'un chien.  » (2 juin 1555) (When I got up, one of my woodcocks flew out of my bedroom window and was killed by a dog. - June 2, 1555 )
The quantity of pigeon droppings must have been considerable, since it took four servants the whole day to scrape the dovecote clean :
          « Je fys curer le colombier par Doysnard, Jehan Groult, Lajoye et Collas,n qui y furent tout le jour. » (15 mars 1556) (I had the dovecote scraped by Doysnard, Jehan Groult, Lajoye and Collas who spent the whole day there. - March 15, 1556 )
Gilles then uses this precious manure to fertilize his fields:
          «  Je fys charier une chartée de fumier de pigeons à la Haulte-Vente ; mais pour ce qu'il plouvoyt, il fallut cesser. Jehan Groult la charia et Douart fut à Gouberville quérir des poys pour sumer . » (5 avril 1554). (I had a cartload of pigeon droppings sent to the Haute-Vente field, but because it was raining, they had to stop. Jehan Groult carted it and Douart went to Gouberville to get peas to sow. - April 5, 1554 )
The right to own dovecotes was a frequent complaint in the list of grievances prior to the French Revolution and it was finally abolished on the night of August 4, 1789 .

Jacqueline VASTEL
(with the help of Sophie POIREY)

The importance of mills in 16th Century society is obvious to the reader of the Journal, written by Gilles de Gouberville, in which on a total of fifty-one occasions, thirty one different mills are mentioned, without taking into account those located in Mesnil-au-Val and Gouberville which are referred to quite frequently. Almost without exception, these mills were driven by water.

Several times Gilles alludes to mills located near roads, that he used as landmarks during his frequent travels :
    « Nous nous départismes au Moulin de Tombes » (We parted at the Moulin de Tombes - May 30, 1555)
   « Nous partismes de Sct Nazer à mydi, les Hachées nous convia jusqu'au moulin de Landemer » (We left from St ; Nazaire at noon, since les Hachées had invited us to the mill at Landemer - June 1, 1562)
Sometimes he even stayed overnight :
    « Sur les troys heures, je monté à cheval et m'en vins coucher au Moulin de Tombe » (At three o'clock, I got on my horse and went to spend the night at the Moulin de Tombe - May 1, 1556)
The way the mill water was used often gave rise to contestation :
   « . environ deux heures de soleil, je allé au moulin d'Argouges, Sanson et Lajoye avec moy, pour ce que le monnier retenoyt trop d'eau et refoulloyt jusques à mes prays de Fosseheude ». (About two hours after sunrise, I went to the Moulin d'Argouges with Sanson and Lajoye, because the miller was retaining too much water, forcing it all the way back to my meadows in Fosseheude - April 12, 1562)

On this occasion, Gilles and five others met in front of the closed gate of the mill. After waiting for over an hour, they decided to open the sluices, apparently without any ill consequences.
On June 3, 1555 Gilles noticed that a fulling mill was being built on the Trottebec river. His reaction was almost immediate : on the very next morning, accompanied by seven others, without previously consulting the owner, Ferrant Postel from Cherbourg, he went to Tourlaville after supper in order to
   « rompre l'escluse qu'on avoyt faicte dedens l'ancien cours de la rivière pour enfler l'eaue » (break the lock that had been made in the natural path of the river to increase the water)
Once again, there were no consequences the following day.

Another recurrent problem was the dishonesty of the millers. Gilles, as we know, was always on his guard. On November 15, 1554, he had some wheat sifted and the following day in Mesnil-au-Val :
   « je fys mouldre en ma présence deux boysseaulx de fourment (.) pour ce que je me deffiés du monnier » (I had two bushels of wheat ground in my presence, because I did not trust the miller)
We don't know what happened afterwards.
Gilles had problems with the miller in Gouberville whom he dismissed and evicted without any notice :
« Après disner je donné congé au monnier qui estoyt au moulin et luy fys vuyder ses hardes » (After dinner I discharged the miller who was at the mill and I had him remove his belongings) (February 22 « 1553 » (1554)
Yet another problem involving a miller occurred in 1561 when Gilles was very suspicious of the miller in Gouberville :
    « Avant desjeuner, arrivèrent Jehan Bourdet du Teil, et Marin Catheline fermier du moulin de Gouberville, et apportèrent du blé de moulture, IIII bx [boisseaux] comme ils disoyent. Je le fys venner (.) et il ne s'en trouva que troys bx et demy. Led. Cathelin reprinst ses venneures » (After the midday meal, Jehan Bourdet from Teil and Marin Catheline, the farmer from the Gouberville mill arrived, bringing ground corn, four bushels, according to them. I had them winnowed, and found that there were only three and a half bushels. The afore-mentioned Cathelin took his winnows back)
with this short quip, Gilles displays his dissatisfaction : more than 12% waste was effectively considered as a sign of fraud.
To conclude, we can call to mind the restoration of the mill in Gouberville which was carried out between March 1, "1553" (1554) and July 24. It soon became a reconstruction fraught with inconsistencies. Gilles, apparently, was not very gifted, nor very organized in this domain.
On March 1st, with his servants, he went over his property, looking « dans les herbages de céans (.) du boys à fère l'arbre roe et rouet du moulin. » (in the fields for timber for the construction of the water wheel and the pit wheel).
The next day, he had six oak trees cut down, « por fère du merrain au moulin » (to make shook for the mill). On March 4, he decided to go to Gouberville to measure the wheel shaft, the water wheel and the pit wheel, which he actually did the following day. On the 6th, he had the timber squared (« doler »). He then must have noticed that the quantity was insufficient because on several other occasions, he had other oaks felled in the « pray du Clos-au-couvert » (Clos-au-couvert meadow), and in the « buisson Drouet » (March 7) (Drouet woods).
On June 2, he purchased a sheep and a calf in order to, « tenir la levée de (son) moulin, la semaine qui vient » (celebrate the raising of the mill), scheduled for the following week and on June 4th , he had a stone placed over the « fenestre du moulin » (mill window), on which « quatre escussons » (four coats of arms) had been carved. The mechanism was finished on June 6. Gilles went to Gouberville with a servant, bringing « dedens une pouche, des chevilles pour la roë du moulin » (pegs for the wheel in a bag). More than twenty people attended the "raising" of the wheel. Two weeks later, he decided « d'abattre le pignon de la roë du moulin » (June 20) (to knock down the pinion of the wheel) which he did the next day with several others, pulling it down to « jusques aulx fondemens ». (to its very foundations). Then, on the following days, they built it back up again. Gilles sent someone to fetch « deux pierres au jardin de la Poupichesse pour mettre aux fondemens » (two stones from the garden of La Poupichesse to place on the foundations), and summoned André Sorel et Jehan Le Magnen « pour ayder à massonner, lesquelz vindrent » (June 22) (to help him with the masonry) . The « huys » (frames) of the mill were achieved on July 24.

Technical Vocabulary technique concerning mills

A great many technical terms can be found in the Journal : the leat (« no » or « noc »), a wooden canal, carrying the water from the millpond (« bieu »or bief), towards the wheel (« roe » or roue) by lifting the sluices ( « esclotoyres » or vannes). The wheel hatches are attached to starts (« cyseaux » or coyaux) which are nailed to the rim (« gante » or jante). The pit wheel (« rouet »), fitted with teeth (« chaussé de ses allençons » or garni de ses alluchons) turns the level gear, equipped with spindles («fuseaulx » or fuseaux). The millstone is set upon the « fer », a running stone drive, by means of a rhynd (« néelle / noelle » or anille). A wooden vat («arqueure » or archure) surrounded the millstones. The existence of a cable (« câble ») implies the presence of some sort of system for hoisting the main millstone.
Corn or wheat was brought to the mill and the milling was returned to its owner exactly as it came out of the millstones. It was the owner who did the sifting.

Until the beginning of the 20th century, mills played a vital role in the everyday life, both in towns and the country ; they ground corn into flour, which was needed to make bread, the staple food of the population. Their role then became less important when eating habits diversified ; they were eventually replaced by industrial flour mills, capable of handling far greater quantities.

Roland FLAHAUT

During the lifetime of Gilles de Gouberville, the rural population of Normandy was far from being illiterate : over 80% of the men, and 30% of the women could write their names. Elementary education was more or less regularly provided by clerics who did not possess a living (i.e. neither a parish nor a vicarage). Some of them, whose intellectual baggage remained limited, even returned to farm work.

We don't know what sort of basic education Gilles received. Between June 1552 and December 1556, he mentions several times " our master " whom he encountered in Bricquebec, Breuville, and Barfleur and who probably came to live in Gouberville :
«  Dès le matin je party de Toqueville et m'en allé à Barfleu, Symonnet avecque moy ; je fus aulx Augustins à la chambre du frère Marcouf où se trouva nostre maistre Textoris » (12 novembre 1552) (Early in the morning, I left Tocqueville with Symmonet and went to Barfleur; I went to Brother Marcouf's room at the Augustinian Abbey and found our master Textoris)
«  Charlot Gaillard, filz Joret de Gouberville, m'apporta ung butor que Paris de Gatteville m'envoyet et remporta des poyres pour nostre maistre Textoris qui est malade » (24 décembre 1555) (Charlot Gaillard, the son of Joret from Gouberville, brought me a bittern (a sort of bird) that Paris had sent me from Gatteville; he also brought some pears for our master Textoris who is not well)
Since even the most basic instruction was dispensed in Latin, the name Tissier (which means weaver) or Texier was modified to «  Textoris  », the genitive of weaver in Latin. That is all we know about the education of Gilles.

Gilles had a good knowledge of Latin and it was in this language that he expressed his faith in God, one and eternal, on August 4, 1562, notwithstanding the religious troubles of the times.

Besides the books he inherited from his parents, he received twelve works which had belonged to his brother Guillaume, who died while still a student in Paris in 1555.His uncle Jehan, the Lord and curé of Russy, most probably left him quite a few more. However, we don't know the titles of any of these books. The whole collection was obviously greater in number than the mere dozen volumes that E. Leroy-Ladurie describes in La Verdeur du Bocage , while it remains nevertheless impossible to compare it to Montaigne's library.

When by chance the Journal mentions the title of something that has been read, we learn that Gilles found much useful advice concerning agriculture in Nostradamus' Almanachs :
«  Je fys commencer à semer du froment à la Haulte Vente. Nostradamus disoyt en son almanac qu'il faisoyt bon labourer ce jour  » (29 octobre 1558) (I had them begin to sow the wheat in the Haute Vente field. Nostradamus said in his almanach that it was a good day to sow)
but there is no comment on the Prognostications (or Centuries) that was also read at the manor-house :
«  Après avoyr esté devant l'auditoyre viron une heure (.) et que le lieutenant Franqueterre m'eut rendu devant chez Borlande, une pronistication de Nostradamus ; et que luy heuz rendu la cédule qu'il m'en avoyt faicte, je le pryé de disner avec moy, dont il m'escondit  » (10 novembre 1562) (After having been at the audience for about an hour (.) and after Lieutenant Franqueterre gave me back one of the Prognostications of Nostradamus, and I had returned to him the schedule (a receipt) that he had signed for me, I begged him to dine with me, and he refused)

It is more difficult to identify some of the other works mentioned: " The Institutes " was obviously a treatise on Roman law :
«  Après desjeuner, Beauficet [Gratian Lambert, curé de Beauficel] s'en alla et me donna un texte d'Institute ou estoyt escripte une roe pitagorique [probablement un jeu arithmétique] » (12 novembre 1558) (After lunch, Beauficet (Gratien Lambert, the priest in Beauficel) left and gave me a text of The Institute where there was a Pythagorean wheel -probably some sort of arithmetic game)

and the «  Leçons de Pierre Messie » (Pedro Mexia was an erudite Spaniard writing at the beginning of the 16 th Century) was most likely a volume of scientific and philosophical dialogues entitled Silva de Varia Leccion :
«  Il [Jehan Bonnet, qui lui prête un livre : voir ci dessous] me rendit les leçons de Pierres Messye que je laissé à mon hoste pour le bailler à Monsr de Hemevez  » (28 novembre 1555) (He (Jehan Bonnet, who lent him a book: see below) gave me back the «  Lessons of Pedro Mexia  » that I left with my host to give to Squire Hemevez)

In both cases, the titles are approximate; could they have been translations of the Latin texts?

Gilles borrowed a book called «  Le Promptuaire des médailles  », an illustrated volume that we would call an art book today :
«  Je reporté à maistre Jehan Bonnet le promptuaire des médales qu'il m'avoyt presté à jor passé » (28 novembre 1555) (I returned to Master Jehan Bonnet the Promptuaire des médales that he had lent me)

Unlike Montaigne, Gilles appreciated tales of knighthood, and we know that one rainy night in February 1555, the whole household was assembled for the reading of an episode of Amadis de Gaule, that internationally famous lengthy Iberian novel :
«  Tout le jour il ne cessa de plouvoyr (.) Au soyer, toute la vesprée, nous leusme en Amadis de Gaulle, comment il vainquit Dardan » (6 février 1554) (All day long, it never stopped raining (.) At nightfall, all evening long, we read Amadis de Gaule , and how he conquered Dardan.)

Did Gilles "suck out the marrow" of Rabelais' Fourth Book , which the curé of Cherbourg , who was more or less his cultural adviser, had promised to lend him ?
«  Viron IIII heures passa par céans le curay de Cherebourg qui s'y en alloyt ; je le convié jusques au viel Bosc. Il me consta troys ou quattre hystoyres du quart livre de Rabelays et me promist me le prester à cette assise » (4 juin 1552) (The curé of Cherbourg spent about three hours here on his way home; I invited him to the Viel Bosc. He told me three or four stories that came from Rabelais' Fourth Book and promised to lend it to me at the next assizes.)

Elsewhere he informs us that the same year, this decidedly open-minded priest brought him back from Paris a volume entitled (sic) « Prince Nicollas  » :
«  Je m'en allé voyer le curay de Cherbourg qui estoyt nouveau venu de Paris ; il me donna ung libvre en françoys intitulé Le prince Nicollas ex.  » (8 août 1553) (August 8, 1553) (I went to see the curé of Cherbourg who had just come back from Paris; he gave me a book in French called «  Le prince Nicollas ex .). The book in question was of course Niccolo Machiavelli's The Prince , which had just recently been translated. It is well-known that the meaning of "machiavellism", a term often misused, is essentially political: even though the end justifies the means, the underlying ideal remains the rebirth of Italy . Barbey d'Aurevilly, who was a great admirer of both the ideas and the style of the Florentine writer, hardly discusses The Prince in his Memoranda , preferring Histories of Florence , much easier to read. The squire of Gouberville, preoccupied with his personal affairs which were at times slightly scabrous, such as the settling of his uncle's estates in Russy, had no need whatsoever of Machiavelli's advice; like most Normans , he got by with peasant wiliness.

One thing that is noticeable is the absence of any mention whatsoever concerning the purchase of books in a Journal where even the smallest expense is reported. Gilles however was much attached to those books he did possess and for the smallest loan, would demand a receipt called a cédule (schedule).

Among the country gentlemen of his time, Gilles was one of the most well-read ; his library, which was eclectic, containing some ambitious volumes, remained modest in size, but definitely not insignificant. However, he was not what would later be called an "intellectual", for his wisdom was always of the practical sort. Whereas he could not actually be called a "humanist", Gilles, in his daily life, was always a good relative, a faithful friend, a liberal host, a fair master, although if truth be told, somewhat devious at times. Thus he embodied an excellent example of humanity in this century " full of sound and fury ."

Guy NONDIER

Gilles de Gouberville was nuts about apples, or to put it more elegantly, he was obsessed by apples according to professor Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie. In fact, he had a real passion for this fruit and for its cultivation, often writing about both in his Livre de raison, a mumbo-jumbo Journal that was never meant to be published.

A passion for apples implies necessarily a keen interest in apple trees which Gilles propagated actively, not only in the Cotentin peninsula, but also in the Bessin, near Bayeux where he had a domain called Russy, inherited from his uncle.

Throughout his Journal, Gilles gives a myriad of details about planting and multiplying apple trees. Between the end of the harvest in September and the rising of the sap at the beginning of April, he jotted down countless note s about his apple trees, which easily enable us to make a list of over forty different varieties that he cultivated and encouraged his family and friends to produce.
For the specialists, but also for the curious amateurs, here is a list in alphabetical order of the Goubervillean varieties : Alizon, Amer-Doux, Barbarye, Bec-de-Raillé, Becquet, Boscq, Clérel, Couet, Coustour, Doux-Raillé, Dumont, Durepel, Epicey, Feuillard, Gentil, Gros-Doux Guillot-Roger, Haye, Jumelle, Long-pied, Marin-Onfrey, Menuel, Moysi, Orenge, Ozenne, Roussay, Testonnet, Thoumine-Roger, not to mention the “ Cappendu” , the “ Passe-pomme ” and the “ Rainettes ”, those varieties which are just as suitable for eating as for making cider, or the sweet apples that have no precise name because they were not grafted, and those called “ pommes de cocu ” or “ cuckold apples ”, which had been sent by a cousin, but were never cultivated by Gilles.

His love of apples did not prevent him from growing pears, for the table as well as for making “péray ”(poiré = perry). Under his instructions, the table varieties, such as “Verd-Johannet, were picked “ avec la main dedans les arbres ”(by hand in the trees), and the Verd-caillou variety was collected “ sur une couverture de lict, de peur que le fruit ne se cassast ” (by letting them fall very gently onto a bedspread, so that the fruit would not be damaged). However his favourite fruit, by far, was the apple.

He planted apple trees everywhere, in all his gardens, of which he possessed many, but also in fields and in « belts » around certain tracts of land, and especially in his many nurseries or « pépinières ».

In the apple seeds recovered from the cider dregs which had been dispersed, winnowed and washed, he found a never-ending source of future apple trees. His servants then planted the seeds by hundreds, sometimes even by thousands, in very close rows, which, once they were harrowed, Gilles was careful to cover with ferns in order to protect them. He looked after his seedlings like a tender father, personally supervising the pulling up and transplanting of what he called his “ pépins ” (seeds) which had become young shoots (that he continued to call “ pépins ”) to places where they would have more room to grow.

When these shoots had grown a little and become “ surets ”, he enjoyed being personally involved in their care, reassured that he was not performing a task considered beneath his rank by working with his hands. One day he wrote: “ je fus bien troys heures tout seul à esmonder ” (I spent at least three hours pruning), and on another day: “ Pinchon et moy cherfouismes tous les pommiers du jardin ”(Pinchon and I hoed around an d between the roots of all the apple trees in the garden) and on still another day, while Symonnet and Lajoye were eliminating the “ jetons ” (suckers, side-shoots) at the foot of each apple tree, “ j’en ostoys la mousse ” (I removed the moss). He seemed even happier at the prospect of grafting with grafts that he had selected himself, often from other breeders. He felt that he was involved in creative work; for Gilles, the handling of the nurseryman’s tools, one after the other, was not simply the work of a peasant, but that of an artist, if not of a demiurge.

He never slackened in the upkeep and supervision of his “ entes ” (grafts) during their growing period, taking care to cover the feet of the plants with nourishing fertilizer, and trying to protect them with “ sablon de mer ” (coarse salty sand from the dunes near the sea) when he found them “ assailys des fourmys ” (attacked by ants).

He took pains to preserve his apples, which had been coddled from the flower to the fruit, in the best possible conditions, no matter the variety. Once they had been picked, he never left them in a heap on the ground, abandoning them to the elements. He very carefully cut or had cut those which were bruised, then he had the others carried upstairs and spread out on the floor of the room above his cider press or in other dry lofts or storehouses throughout the manor house. He did however respect the specificities of each variety, storing them separately, crushing them at the best moment, using, if possible, only one variety for each batch of cider. This way he was able to obtain different vintages in his own home.

His different types of cider were then used as a treat for his frequent guests, or as an attempt to cure certain diseases, or as gifts and returned favours accorded to his acquaintance, but especially to satisfy the enormous needs of his large household. His cider was hardly ever sold.

Gilles was also responsible for the first known distillation of cider (1554) which produced “eau de vie de cidre” (apple brandy) which could not yet be given the name of “calvados”.

But that is another story altogether…!

Guy Deschamps

Ball games have existed from time immemorial on almost every continent. Traces of ball games have been found in Egypt, in China (tsu-chu), in Greece (episkyros), in Rome (asphartum or harpastum), in the lands of the Eskimos (aqsatuk), the Indians of North America (pasackquakkohog), and in the islands of the Pacific; even the Mayas of central America played a game which was exported to Florence in the 16th Century and became the giuco de calcio.
The Celts in Gaul played “seault”, known also as “soule” in other regions and “choule” in Normandy, whence it was exported to England where it became “hurling over country” or “hurling the goal”, “knappen”, or “foeth ball”, then “fute balle” and finally, football.

Gilles de Gouberville mentions the game of choule several times in his diary, a game which had apparently been popular for a long time, shown for example by this passage taken from Le Jeu de Robin et de Marion, written by Adam de la Halle in the 13th century:
Robin:   l.160 Diex que j’ai le panche lassee (My God, how my stomach aches!)
            l.161 De la chole de l’autre fois. (From having played choule the other day.)

The Rudiments of the Game

The aim of the game was either to bring the ball back to just in front of the team’s parish church, with or without the use of sticks (the ball was usually made from a pig’s bladder, covered with leather) or to deposit the ball in front of the opposing team’s parish church, which was sometimes quite far and entailed going through fields, forests and over rivers and streams. Occasionally, but not always, there were posts. The game was started at the geographical border between the two parishes. It was also sometimes organised between teams of single versus married men. The size of the team could vary from 20 to 200 players. Nothing was forbidden by the rules, and the game could last for several days, until the players were completely exhausted.

Playing Choule in Mesnil-au-Val

Popularity and Posterity of the Game of Choule

While it was frequently played in rural areas, choule was not just a game for common people. King Henry II played it with his gentlemen, including the poet, Ronsard. Nevertheless, and probably because of the extreme violence of the game, it was officially outlawed several times in France and in England. These sanctions, however, were not very effective because the game continued to be played until the 19th century when it was finally definitely banned.
Other games which were developed in English schools would replace it. The size of the playing grounds had an influence on the regulations. On small surfaces, only foot games developed, one of which was called the “dribbling game”, now known as football. On bigger surfaces, players continued to use both feet and hands. This was the case at the college of Rugby in Warwickshire, England, where the game of “football-rugby” was created, later to become rugby.

Jacqueline Vastel

When the Abbé Tollemer published his book, Un Sire de Gouberville, he rejected the idea of reproducing the entire manuscript of the diary that the squire of Barville had kept because he believed that the weariness and boredom “resulting from a sustained reading of the monotonous muddle of Gilles’ daily notes would be a drawback to many readers.” (1).
Did Gilles really write so poorly as to merit such criticism ?

The language he uses is perfectly correct for the period and reveals a sound education. However, it proves to be quite barren. There are no descriptions, no recorded dialogues and very few references to events. For example, the meals and the money spent at the inn are about the only details he provides concerning his travels. Not the smallest anecdote, no mention of the pomp of the royal court, no trace of emotion or wonder… Not the slightest conjuring up a colourful or animated scene. So, no anecdotes, no quotations, no comments, no personal thoughts, no egotistic digressions … Gilles de Gouberville never wanders, never allows himself the least bit of fantasy. He adheres strictly to the project he has set out for himself from the start, with the regularity of a metronome.

Those who are fond of the picturesque will be disappointed, as well as lovers of literary style. Gouberville’s sentences are brief. His grammar is simple. He uses very few adjectives. Nor does he have recourse to those rhetorical embellishments so highly valued in the style of the time, such as metaphors, allegories, similes and circumlocutions. Gilles de Gouberville does not carefully avoid repeating words ; repetition does not seem to bother him. He also repeats identical sentence construction. The repetitiveness of his daily occupations is mirrored in the repetition of the expressions he uses, or as Madeleine Foisil states : “The same activities repeat themselves and the same words used to register them.” (2). This phenomenon is best illustrated by the author’s fetish formula, “je ne bouge de céans” (I haven’t budged from here) which Madeleine Foisil has counted 3310 times in the diaries ! (3). This is a far cry from the wealth and the inventiveness of Rabelaisian vocabulary !

To sum up then, Gilles de Gouberville paints a monotonous reality in a monotonous language. It is not too harsh to describe the Journal as possessing no literary qualities. However this cannot be deemed an injustice since literary value was completely irrelevant to Gilles’ project. Such is often the case with private memoirs, diaries and “books of reason” of the period. The documentary value of the Journal is of prime importance, and so precious that no-one could begrudge Gilles for having neglected “that which in written communication destined for someone else contributes to the enjoyment of the reading” (4) as Madeleine Foisil puts it. No other formula better qualifies this priceless manuscript than that used by Emmanuel Leroy-Ladurie, who called the Journal “illegible yet fascinating” (5).

In the long run, is it not possible to suggest that the style of Gilles de Gouberville, in the form of “grey literature”, is somehow in keeping with the ideal of Montaigne who wrote : “Eloquence insults reality if it keeps bringing us back to ourselves. Like the garb we wear, it is pusillanimous to want to stand out in some particular and unusual way ; it is the same for language : the search for novel sentences and little-known words stems from a puerile, scholastic ambition. May I never use any others than those that can be heard in the marketplace!” (6).

Céline GUENOLE

------------------
(1) TOLLEMER, abbé.- Un Sire de Gouberville, gentilhomme campagnard au Cotentin de 1553 à 1562. Introduction par Emmanuel Leroy-Ladurie.- Paris : éd. Mouton, 1972. - p.5
(2) FOISIL, Madeleine.- Le Sire de Gouberville.- Paris : Aubier-histoire, 1981.- p.25
(3) ibid p.18
(4) ibid p.25
(5)id. note 1 - p.L
(6) MONTAIGNE.- Les Essais, I, XXVI

"Orrigny", the old French for "Aurigny", the French name for Alderney, is one of the smaller Channel Islands near the French coast; it is six kilometres long and two kilometres wide and located about ten miles west of the Cape of la Hague.

*The Channel Islands remained in the possession of the English crown after continental Normandy was returned to the kingdom of France in 1204.

In the middle of the sixteenth century, there were a number of incidents and clashes between privateers from the islands and privateers from Cherbourg.  For example, on  Tuesday, June 15, 1557, a ship belonging to Captain Coq was burnt by the English just outside Cherbourg harbour.

The Capture of Alderney by Norman Pirates

Gilles was well acquainted with the maritime world of Cherbourg. He was a frequent customer at the inn belonging to Robine de la Mer.  In June 1558, Robine's son, the corsair Malesart, was recruiting men for an expedition to "Peru" (i.e. the West Indies).  Instead of Peru, the destination would turn out to be Alderney. 

Gilles and Malesart had known each other for a long time.  In December 1550, Malesart had come in person to the Manor in Mesnil-au-Val in order to choose the wood he needed to repair his ship.

Towards the middle of June 1558, Symonnet (Gilles' illegitimate half-brother and close friend) and several of his friends wanted to embark with Malesart for "Peru." Gilles was extremely upset.  On the 13^th of June he wrote (in capital Greek letters) that he was: "tout omblé d'ennui et le plus  faché que je fus jamès " (full to the brim with grief and as angry as I have ever been in my whole life).  The following day, his mood became even darker : "mon ennui et facherie se augmentent de plus en plus" (my grief and my anger grow stronger and stronger), he wrote, once again using the Greek alphabet.  He interceded with Malesart, probably on the advice of Cantepie, and obtained Symonnet's release "qu'il donnast conge à Symonnet de s'en revenir."  "My trouble is over" he confided to his journal on the 16^th of June.  And this is the one and only demonstration of emotion in the entire journal.*

*For details, see "Gilles de Gouberville et la mer" written by R. Lerouvillois in the first Goubervillian Notebook, 1997. (Cahiers Goubervilliens n°1, 1997)

On the 21st of June, Gilles noted laconically that "Captain Malesart took the island of Orrigny this morning", having departed from Omonville.  On Thursday the 23^rd, in a blatantly festive atmosphere, portions of animals that had been taken from the isle of Orrigny", apparently one of the few items of value the island, were being auctioned at "Galé" (the cove of Galley, the present-day site of the outer harbour of the military port in Cherbourg).

Malesart entertained his guests in grand style, Gilles being one of the company, and when they left, he fired the artillery in their honour. 

Gilles' Excursion to Alderney

On the 26^th of June, Gilles and his companions  returned to Cherbourg: "we thought we would go to Orrigny", a trip probably planned on the 23^rd with Malesart.

The Trip

First set for Monday, June 27^th, with a departure from Cherbourg, the trip was postponed because « pour ce qu'il y avoyt des roberges [bateaux] d'Engleterre qui estoyent [au large] (comme on nous dist) ». (we were informed that there were English boats on the open sea).

On Saturday, July 2^nd, Gilles, Symonnet, Thomas Drouet and Charlot sailed from the cove of Galley in a craft* belonging to Clément Liès.  They stopped off at the "Pierre de Sct-Germain" (probably the "Roche-du-Var", north of Port-Racine which can be used as a seamark.)  Waiting for a favourable tide, they took bed and board at Fleury's in Saint-Martin (Omonville la Petite).  Other people embarked at Saint Germain and the departure took place during the night between Saturday and Sunday, "about an hour after midnight." « Nous trouvasmes à la poincte du jour à Orrigni »(We arrived in Alderney at daybreak) indicates that the crossing took two and a half hours, going around the "Raz Blanchard".

*the word "barque" suggests a rather small boat, since Gilles uses the term ship ("navire") for Malesart and the other corsairs.

On Alderney

Gilles spent the whole of Sunday on Alderney where he met Malesart (who had returned to the island since the 23^rd of June), Sideville, Denneville (who occupied the fort) and their crews ("leurs bendes").  Gilles dined and lodged with Malesart, had supper with Sideville, and took a nap  at the end of the afternoon at Denneville's lodgings ("because I had felt a bit seasick" .!)  These three captains lived at three different places on the island.

Gilles tells us very little about life on Alderney in the middle of the sixteenth century. It is true that a good part of the day was set aside for feasting ("faire fort grand chère) .  However he does note that "all day long we visited the island to examine the "descents" (landing stages) and the forts."

The forts which are the present-day claim to fame of Alderney date from the Victorian era (second half of the nineteenth century), so those mentioned by Gilles can only be the fort f the Nunnerie (at the far end of Longis Bay) whose surrounding wall is built on Gallo-Roman foundations and Essex Castle, which dominates the same bay on the southern side.  By a decision of Henry VIII, a first fort had been built on this site in 1546; then in 1553, when Mary Tudor came to power, construction was abandoned and the English garrison was recalled.  It was consequently a non-functioning fort that Malesart discovered in 1558, on an undefended island. 

The harbour is also located in the southeastern part of the island, in Longis Bay, a large bay sheltered by the small island of Houmet (l'île de Raz) and facing France; it is here that the "descentes" or landing-stages are located, but Gilles' prose seems to indicate that there were others elsewhere.  He does not appear to have visited the outhern and western parts of the island where there are high  cliffs.*  He provides no information  whatsoever about Sainte-Anne, the only existing town at that time on the island, which would have been precious.

It took place on  Monday morning, July 4, 1558 in the craft belonging to Clément Liès.  Gilles dined at Fleury's in Saint-Martin, paid what he owed to the boatsmen and returned by horse to Mesnil-au-Val where he arrived in the evening, having stopped at Saint-Nazer  (Gréville-Hague) at the dwelling of his sister and brother-in-law.  Thus comes to an end the story of the only "international" trip taken by Gilles de Gouberville, mentioned in his Journal.

Several days later, contradictory reports reached Gilles : according to one, Malesart was forced to leave Alderney by an English fleet; according to another, it was a French fleet.  In point of fact, it was the English : "les galères qui  avoyent battu nos gens les jours passés estoyent   en ladite flotte" (The galleys that had beaten our people in the past were art of this fleet).  And the island became English once again.

Gérard FOSSE

As Easter, Christmas is a special time of the christian year One would presume that Gilles wrote down everything he did in his religious life of this period : if he didn’t say that he went to midnight mass, then he didn’t actually go there ; further, he would note anything which involved going out at such an unusual hour.

What then did he do on Christmas Eve and Christmas Day ?

He didn’t always stay in Le Mesnil. For instance, in 1549 et 1550 he was in Rouen for legal proceedings. Thomas Langlois nicknamed Cantepie, his right-hand man, accompanied him.
In 1549, on the 24th, Gilles was ill and unable to attend midnight mass. The following day, he went to the mass of the Blessed Virgin, went for a walk, had a meal, went to vespers then discussed his trial with his lawyer.
The year after that, on December 24th, after vespers, he dined with friends then went to « service et à la messe de mynuyct à la prieuray de St Lo ». (church services and midnight mass at the Saint Lô priory). Afterwards, when they returned home, they ate mutton and drank wine. On the 25th he dined with friends.
In 1551, Gilles and Cantepie went to Cherbourg on the 24th of December, they had lunch at the castle, guests of the captain. Afterwards they went to a friend’s house where they slept until midnight. « Entre une et deux heures apprès mynuyct je m’en allé à la messe de mynuyct Cantepie avec moy. Nous ouysmes deux messes à nostre chappelle » (Between one and two hours after midnight I went to midnight mass ; Cantepie was with me. We heard two masses in our chapel. The identification of « our » chapel is very problematic. Gilles had lodgings in Cherbourg but did they include a chapel ?) Afterwards they went to bed (in the lodgings in Cherbourg ?), attended mass the next morning, had lunch with the captain of the castle again, then went to hear a sermon and vespers before returning to Le Mesnil.

From 1552 onwards, every Christmas was spent in Le Mesnil.
On December 24
Gilles usually went about his business* or took care of his farms. Sometimes, he attended the high mass**, occasionally he went to vespers. He writes that he had the « chuquet*** de Noël » (Christmas stump) placed in the kitchen (1553) but he doesn’t mention this custom every year. In fact, he doesn’t mention it again until 1559 when he had it sawed from a « fau » (beech tree), which had been knocked down in a storm.

* For example, in 1562 Gilles went to the (royal) forest in order to investigate a matter of some trees which had been felled without permission. He summoned the guilty parties to the « haultz jours » (days of justice)
** The only Christmas Eve when Gilles showed an intense religious zeal was in 1559. He arrived at the church in Le Mesnil very early. « Il n’y avoyt personne » (there was no-one there). Gradually the faithful arrived as well as the curé who said the mass of the Blessed Virgin during which Gilles « fut tout du long » (stayed for the whole length), even for the « procession et eaue bénite (procession and holy water). However he did leave when they read the Epistle. Back at home, in the manor, he dealt with various matters, dined then went to vespers.
*** the « chuquet* de Noël » (Christmas stump) : a few days before Christmas, people used to prepare an enormous piece of wood destined to last all night in the fireplace ; it took several men to transport it (besides the servants, he asked five mor people to help – in 1553).

Midnight mass

In 1555 he attended it in the church in le Mesnil with almost all his household : Cantepie, his two half-brothers Symonnet and Arnoulf, his half-sister Guillemette and several servants. Other years, he skipped midnight mass : in 1554 he was not well but from 1556 on, he didn’t bother to give an explanation. However it should be noticed that on two occasions, several members of his household, including Cantepie, went out on the evening of December 24th. In 1553, at about 10.00 p.m. they went to « mattines » (matins) at the church in Le Mesnil then to mass in Digosville at a distance of two miles « por voyer ceux qui jouèrent une moralité à la fin de la messe » (in order to see the people who were putting on a morality play after the mass). They came home « viron une heure avant jor » (about an hour before daylight). In 1554, Cantepie an a few others « furent à Digoville pour ce qu’on y jouet » (went to Digosville for what was beeing played there). In 1552, on Christmas morning, someone brought him « un bonnet et une soye veloux » (a bonnet and a cloth of silky velvet) which he lent to the « cappitaine du Teil pour jouer à leur messe de my nuyct » (captain of le Theil so that he could take part in their midnight mass). Le Theil is two and a half miles from Le Mesnil.

On Christmas morning*

Gilles always attended high mass and often returned to the manor accompanied by the curé whom he had invited to dinner. After the meal, he would sometimes go to vespers or for a walk or he would help to turn the water mill which « mouloyt pour le garder de la gelée » (turned to keep it from freezing, 1554) or he would play « choule » (1555) or go hunting (1557) or try out a new saw that he showed to his friends (1561),…
* In 1557 Christmas Day was particularly marked by religious ceremonies since he went to high mass in the church in Le Mesnil then to a low mass and, after vespers, to a funeral !

As far as Christmas meals are concerned, they don’t seem to be different from those of any other day since Gilles doesn’t mention them.

Jacqueline VASTEL

Illustration (legend)
Winter landscape (detail) by Gijsbrecht Leytens.

« Une heure apprès mydi, je m’en allé à la mer faire charger une pierre que Hébert Robidas m’avoyt hier dict qu’il avoyt tirée, de VIII à neuf pieds ; je donné au dit Robidas et Gyon des Champs son compagnon, pour la dite pierre IIII sols et I sol que je leur baillé hier… »
(One hour after midday, I went to the sea to get a stone that Hebert Robidas told me yesterday he had taken, between eight and nine feet long. I gave Robidas and Gyon des Champs his companion, 4 sols that day and I gave them one sol yesterday for this stone.)

Such is the first mention of a purchase of stones extracted from a « sea quarry » located near Cherbourg in the Journal of Gilles de Gouberville, on Monday 12th August 1549. Later, this quarry was to furnish the lord of Mesnil au Val with materials for building walls or roofs quite often, once in 1550 to enclose the garden of the Barrier barn, 1557 and 1558 for a wall around the Trésor meadow at Tourlaville and in 1555 to repair the roofs of the manor and in 1560 to cover the stables which were being rebuilt.

The stone extracted from this « sea quarry » was obviously schist when it was used for roofs ; it was very close to « blue stone » or « Tourlaville stone » found in quarries located farther south in the Trottebec valley (for instance, Gouberville mentions the Luces’ quarry). It was probably also schist which he called « pers de la mer » (stone of the sea) bought in 1550 to enclose the Barrier barn ; it could be big slabs, five feet high (1,5 m.) vertically fixed side by side. For the wall of the Trésor meadow, the material was more likely rubble stone.

Gouberville mentioned the name of three quarrymen : Hébert Robidas and Guyon Deschamps from Tourlaville and Girot (or Gilles) Gibert from Bretteville ; plus a few companions including the son of Robidas and Jacquet Besnard, nicknamed "the Rabid". Their work consisted in extracting and rough-hewing slabs of schist before they were removed from the site by purchasers ; the roofing-stones were later cut on the building site by the roofers (for example the Pyvain brothers, 10th July 1560). For their work, the quarrymen depended on the rhythm of the tides ; the approach to the stones to be quarried was only possible at low tide and could be interrupted in neap tide periods.

Why was such a quarry opened in so difficult and precarious conditions ? The answer to this question might be found in the land status of the schist quarries of Tourlaville because the quarrymen of the sea could not get on with one owner. It could also be a question of the cost of extraction or the specific quality of the production. It should be noticed Gouberville dealt primarily with Girot Gibert in June 1560 when buying the roofing material of roofing for his stables and only afterwards, for the remainder with the Luce brothers. The customers of the quarrymen did not only come from the local population ; the Journal also mentioned the curé of Nacqueville (4th August 1552) and Pasquet’s son from Gonneville (8th August 1555).

The location of the « sea quarry » is vaguely indicated several times in the Journal; it was situated on the littoral of Tourlaville. Gilles wrote on Monday 12th September 1558 : « je m’en allé à la mer à Tourlaville, où je trouvé Guyon Deschamps, Jacquet Besnard et Girot Gibert, qui carrayent de la pierre à couvrir » (I went to the sea at Tourlaville where I found Guyon Deschamps, Jacquet Besnard and Girot Gibert who were quarrying cover stones).
On 21st June 1560, Gouberville specified that he went « à la mer, à Vieille-Roque » (to the sea, at the Old Rock) ; in August 1555 and March 1558, he spoke of « la Loge de Tourlaville » (a place in Tourlaville). The exact site is most probably in the rocks located between the present harbour of Flamands and the Collignon beach. The oldest part of the quarry made up of dark schist appears between two heads of light-coloured rocks, harder and higher than the others, therefore submerged at flood tide.
A map dating from the beginning of the XVIIIth Century clearly shows the topography of the « sea quarry » which supplied Gilles de Gouberville with stones; it also supplied the population of Tourlaville and surrounding towns, probably for a very long time.

Marcel Roupsard
University of Caen

Légende de l’illustration
« the sea quarry ». Map from the beginning of the XVIIIth Century (Coll. SHM - Cherbourg)

During the thirteen years of Gilles' Journal that have come down to us, many trips throughout Normandy have been recorded. Only once in his life, when he was 35 years old, did Gilles travel outside Normandy. At the beginning of the year " 1555 " (1556 in our calendar), he went to Blois (in the Loire Valley).

He doesn't precisely mention it but, at first, his main reason for going was to pay the tax instituted by the King in order to confirm his office of " Lieutenant des Eaux et Forêts " (Forestrry and Water Lieutenant) which had been made mandatory by the royal edict of 1554. Moreover, he tried to obtain a higher office and gave his word to M. Lefebvre, the treasurer, that he would pay 1300 ecus : "promesse à Monsr Lefebvre trésorier des parties casuelles de traize centz escus pour l'office de maistre particulier des eauez et foretz au bailliage de Costentin " (5 février).

On horseback, with his two companions, Cantepie and Lajoie, he left on January 20th, 1555 and travelled 280 km via Bayeux, Caen, Falaise, Argentan, Sées, Châteaudun, and La Ferté. They arrived in Blois on the 28th of January. We can presume that he had been informed that the King, Henri II, was residing in Blois at the time, so as to plan his journey; however, he fails to mention how he obtained this information.

During the twenty-two days he stayed in Blois, Gilles mainly went about his business, spending his days at the castle, contacting influential administrative agents who were close to the King's Council. These people refused him audience and kept sending his request back and forth from one to the other. He wrote about one of his many contacts:
" (…) il [un de ses nombreux interlocuteurs] me dist qu'il l'avoyt [sa requête] en sa saincture et que si l'opportunité s'y trouvoyt qu'il en parleroyt [au conseil du roi] " (14 février) : [he told me he had it (the request) in his belt and that if the opportunity cropped up, he would mention it. (14 February)]

This brief sojourn did however allow him a closer contact with King Henri II* and his court, as well as with his vast administrative and domestic staff.
* Henri II died in July 10, 1559 after a duel with Gabriel de Montgomery who was so alarmed by the king's demise that he converted to Protestantism. In 1562, Condé appointed him leader of the Protestants in Normandy.

Gilles behaves a bit like a tourist who describes the painting he sees in the Louvre but says nothing about the building itself, and almost nothing about his lodgings or about the town of Blois. He does give a few details about a dinner from time to time :
" le ne bougé de Blès ou estoyt le Roy. Nous disnasmes, led. Morin et Cantepye, au garde-manger de la cuysine du Roy, où l'escuyer Petit-Jehan nous fist grant chère … " (29 janvier) [ I stayed in Blois where the King was in residence. We dined, Morin, Cantepie and I, in the King's back kitchen where squire Petit-Jehan gave us good food (29 January, 1555)]

or about his purchases :
" Viron sept à huict heures, je m'en allé au chasteau où je fus à la messe du Roy, puys allasmes disner au Coq ; il me cousta VIIIs. Pour ung bonnet de veloux, IIII lib.ts ; pour une carlotte de soye, XXVII s. et pour unes mulles, XVIs. Je fus le reste du jour au chasteau jusques à cing heures du soyer " (30 janvier) [ At around seven or eight o'clock I went to the castle and heard the King's Mass then we went to have dinner at the " Coq " (the Rooster Inn) ; dinner cost eight sols. For a velvet cap, 4 lib.ts ; for a silken headpiece, 27 sols and for slippers, 16 sols. I spent the rest of the day at the castle until five o'clock in the evening (30 January)]

or about an unfortunate incident when he was robbed :
" En passant par le marché, dedens la presse, on me desroba mon mouchoyer où il y avoyt trois escus et ung teston " (7 février) [Passing through the crowds in the market place, my handkerchief was stolen ; in it were three ecus and one teston (7 February)]

He also makes a few other interesting allusions : he attended the King's Mass where he saw Catherine of Medicis (who was the same age as the King, i.e. 37 years old) and the royal couple's children who did not usually reside with their parents but were nevertheless raised in Blois : François (who was 12 at the time, and would later become François II of France and die in 1560), Elisabeth (who was 10) and her sister Claude (9 years old), Charles (6 years old, the future Charles IX, who died in 1574) and Edouard-Alexandre (5 years old at the time, the future Henri III). On the other hand, he probably did not see Marguerite (3 years old) and Hercule (one year old). However, he did see the Queen of Scotland , Mary Stewart (14 years old at the time) who was to marry François II in 1558.
Besides Mass, he had the privilege of attending a "tourney" (tournament) on the 2nd of February and a play performed in "prose françoyse" (French prose) and especially a ball where there was a "grand presse" (huge crowd ) :
" je fus au soupper du Roy et de la compagnée qui, au jour d'hier avoyt souppé avec luy. Apprès on alla au bal où je fus et y porté Mademoyselle de Monmorency, petite-fille de Monsr le Congnoystable. A l'entrée de la salle du bal y avoyt fort grand presse. La royne d'Ecosse et Mesdames se trouvèrent en lad. presse. La gouvernante de la Royne donna sur la joe à ung jeune garson qui pressoyt son coulde sous la poitrine de lad. dame gouvernante. Le bal finy, je m'en allé soupper à nostre logis sur les huict heures. Je ne mengé que deux œufz " (18 février) [I supped with the King and his court who supped with him yesterday. Afterwards we went to a ball to which I conveyed Melle de Montmorency, the grand-daughter of M. le Connétable ( the High Constable or commander in chief of the army). At the entrance to the ball-room there was a huge crowd. The Queen of Scotland and the princesses were in this crowd. The Queen 's governess slapped a young boy on the check because he had poked her in the chest with his elbow. When the ball was over, I went back to our lodgings around eight o'clock and supped again. I ate only two eggs (18 February)]

All of Gilles' attempts to receive the title of Master of Forests and Water in the Cotentin were in vain. He left Blois, without especially mentioning it in his journal, on February 19th, still a simple Lieutenant of Forests and Water. On the 5th of March he was back home ("céans") again, after a side trip to Rouen.

Claude Bonnet

Although Gilles de Gouberville gives numerous details about his daily life, he doesn't always include every aspect of events ; but then would this be possible ?. Thus, when he writes that " so and so "left, he hadn't necessarily mentioned beforehand that he had arrived ! Therefore, it is not conceivable to base absolute statistics upon many of his acts such as, for instance, attending mass. Easter, however, being the most important period of the year for Christians, one would presume that Gilles noted down all of his religious practices during this period.

The full moon is an important element of the anniversary of Easter because, according to the Gospels, Jesus died a very short time after the Jewish feast of Passover, celebrated on the first full moon after the spring equinox : " Easter falls on the Sunday which follows the 14th day of the moon which reaches this date on March, 21st or immediatly after " (decision of the Council of Nicea in 325). Therefore, the date of Easter can be any time between March 22th and April 25th. During the 14 years of the Journal, the date of Easter varied between March 25th (in " 1553 ", i.e. 1554 for our calendar) and April 21st(1561).

Gilles attended every mass on the Sunday of " flowering Easter " (Palm Sunday) except in 1557 ; he also attended them on Holy Thursday, all of them on Good Friday. Sometimes, on Thursday or Friday, he went to the mass of Darkness which was a night office. On the other hand, every year, without fail, he observed Easter : if he was at the manor - which was most often the case - or elsewhere : in Cherbourg (1555) or Russy (1561).

From 1549 to 1554, the mass was celebrated at the manor :
" dymenche, jour de Pasques XXI°, moy et tous mes serviteurs fysmes nos pasques à la chapelle, missire Jehan Freret [curé du Mesnil au Val] nous confessa tous et administra. Je lui donne pour sa messe V sols " (April 21th 1549)
Sunday, Easter Day, 21th all of my servants and I celebrated Easter in the chapel, Mr Jehan Freret [curé of Le Mesnil] confessed all of us and gave us holy communion. I gave him 5 sols for his mass.
* At the entrance of the property. Above the chapel, there is a dovecote.

In 1555, he observed Easter in Cherbourg. He probably had a lot of sins to be forgiven or so we can imagine because of the length of his confession, the number of masses he attended during three days, and the amount of money he donated to charities :
" Sabmedy XIII° [avril] vigille de Pasques apprès soupper je m'en allé à confesse à missire Jehan Palefray, vicayre dud. lieu. Il estoyt quasi nuyct quand nous heusmes achevé et lui donné III sols ". On Sunday :" je m'en allé ouyr matines et plusieurs messes qui se disrent cependant puys allé fère mes pasques (…) Tant aux luminayres que aulx œuvres de l'église, à la débitte [?] aulx cousteurs [?] et donné aulx pauvres XX sols ".
Saturday 13th,.Holy Saturday, after dinner I went to confession to Mr Jehan Palefray, vicar from this place. It was already night when we finished ; I gave him 3 sols.
On Sunday : I attended matins and several other masses which were said on this day and went to observe Easter. For the following : the " luminayres "and the charities of the Church, for the " débitte " and the " cousteurs ", and for the poor, I gave 20 sols.
In the afternoon, he attended Vespers ; the day after, he went to Gouberville and attended mass ; on Tuesday also !

From 1556 to 1560 no office was celebrated at the manor :
" Je fys mes pasques et tous mes serviteurs à l'église pour ce que missire Jehan Freret n'avoyt peu venir à la chapelle à raison qu'il a la charge de la parroisse " (5 avril 1556)
I and my servants observed Easter at the church because father Jehan Freret could not come to the chapel because he was in charge of the parish.
… a questionable argument because Jehan Fréret was already curé of Le Mesnil at the beginning of the Journal. This modification is perhaps in relation with the fact that, in 1555 Gilles observed Easter in Cherbourg.

In 1561, Gilles was in Russy where he was settling some business in connection with the estate of his uncle who had died the previous year. As in 1555, he demonstated great devotion. So, on Good Friday (April, 4th), he went to confession to the vicar of Russy, attended the office " où je fus tout du long " (where I stayed until the end). On Saturday, " we observed Easter at the end of the mass ". On Sunday, after the mass in Russy, he went to Sortoval " où je trouve mon frere et le penytencier qui lisoyent en l'appocalypse " (where I found my brother and the penitencial priest who were reading the Book of Apocalypse). On Monday he went back home stopping at Saint-Clément, close to the Baie des Veys to listen to a sermon.
On March 27th 1562, Gilles attended mass on Good Friday. As he was going to Gouberville, he heard that " Monsieur de Guyse avoyt, ainsi qu'on disoyt , tué un ministre de l'église réformée "* (Mr de Guise had, as we were told, killed a minister of the Protestant Church). On Saturday, he observed Easter in the church of Gouberville. On Good Sunday a mass was again celebrated at the manor : " je mandé missire Pierres Feuillye [de Gouberville] qui vinst administre les gens de céans à la chapelle " (I asked for Mr Pierre Feuillye [curé from Gouberville] who came to the chapel to give communion to people who live here).
* On March 1st 1562, at Wassy (Haute-Marne) Protestants were murdered by the Duke of Guise's men (Catholics). They had celebrated their religion inside the town whereas the Edict of Tolerance of January 1562 only allowed this outside a town surrounded by walls or inside private homes. This date marks the beginning of the first ot the eight religious wars.

The importance of Easter is confirmed by the fact it could be observed on any other day than Sunday, if there was a problem : so, in 1561 (cf supra) and in 1558 : " lundy XI° ferye de Pasques " (Easter Monday). Jehan Fréret, the curé of Le Mesnil, came
" à la chapelle où Lesclot fist ses Pâques et Raoul qui n'avoyt hier peu aller à l'église fut communié au fournil [ ?] par led. Freret "
To the chapel where Lesclot observed Easter and Raoul who could not go to church yesterday was given holy communion in the bakehouse ( ?) by Fréret).

Finally, Gilles does not give any details about what they ate during this period.

Jacqueline VASTEL

It was a town of barely four thousand inhabitants, almost completely surrounded by fortified walls, with three main gates protected by wooden drawbridges, constantly guarded and closed from sunset to sunrise :
« We were in Cherbourg over an hour before the door was opened ; I rambled for a long time to and fro in the ditches » (June 27th 1558)
There was also a side entrance to the east, by the « fausses braies » of the wall (defended platforms), where the river Divette skirted the ramparts :
« We went back to the town and entered by the fausses braies » (January, 13th 1555)

The castle, surrounded by its own moats, with its keep, its dozen towers and the lodgings of the garrison, occupied the entire south-east part of the town, which considerably reduced the urban space :
« As we went out by the castle door, we found Gilles Leloutre who was talking to friends of his in the town » (July11th 1555).

When coming from le Mesnil-au-Val, in order to cross the Divette, riders had to use the great pont de Grève, sometimes under water at very high tides, which linked the city to the strands of Tourlaville, on the right bank of the river, close to the salt works where people often played « choule » *
* violent game where two teams fought over a « pelote » (ball or pig bladder covered with leather), sometimes for several hours and on a long distance
« Night had fallen when my servants came back because the sea had made it necessary for them to wait at the salt works from ten to two. » (December 20th 1559)
« On the pont de Grève we found the « chouleurs » who were going home and had won the ball » (January 15th 1555)

A suburb was growing to the south of the ramparts, along the quay of the Divette where ships were moored, near the road leading from the pont de Grève to the Porte Notre-Dame. Ships were sometimes drawn aground to be repaired. Some inns had been built there, frequented by sailors and travellers. Gilles often stopped at the « Ecu de France », where he sometimes left his horse in the care of innkeeper :
« We had a lunch at the « Ecu de France », in the suburb, at Orenge’s » (March, 18th 1557)

To the north-east of the town, not far from the Trinité church and the Gouberville tower (named after one of Gilles’s ancestors), the tour Carrée (square tower) defended the gate of la Hague which opened onto the road of the Abbaye du Vœu :
« When we left, they were closing the door of la Hague, which at that moment was open because the bridge of the other door was being repaired. » (October 30th 1555)

When the tide was very low, it was sometimes faster to cross over the strand to the north of the ramparts to get to la Hague :
« My sister and her entourage passed between the sea and the town and went to Saint-Naser » (April,27th 1562)

Robert Lerouvillois

Note : the castle and the fortifications of Cherbourg were destroyed in 1692 by order of King Louis XIV.

Watercoulour version of the drawing in perspective of Cherbourg by Jacques Gomboust, published in 1657 in Topographiae Galliae, collection of drawings of the French fortified towns.- (Coll. Public Library J. Prévert of Cherbourg - photo by Anne Bonnet).

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History

In 1507, Guillaume V Picot, squire of Gouberville married Jeanne du Fou, daughter of Guillaume du Fou who was commander of the castle in Cherbourg and squire of Le Mesnil-au-Val. An only child, Jeanne inherited the domain when her father died. When she died in 1523, the fief and manor house of le Mesnil-au-Val passed into the hands of the Picot family.
Guillaume gave up the name Picot and took that of Gouberville.
In a Act of Faith and Homage dedicated to the king on the 23rd of May, 1519, the domain of Le Mesnil-au-Val was described as: "a haubert fief including a fief with manor house, chapel and pigeon-house, with arable and non-arable land of about 10 acres."
In 1544, when his father died, Gilles inherited the land of Gouberville and le Mesnil-au-Val.He decided to spend his life in the manor house at Le Mesnil.
After his death in 1578, the domain of Le Mesnil-au-Val was divided between his sister Renée du Moncel (from Saint-Nazer, near Gréville-Hague) and his niece Jacqueline du Parc (from Les Cresnays, near Avranches) : ".item : half of the chapel and dovecote situated in front of the door of the manor house ." (Extract from an Act dating from 1608 concerning half of the fief of Le Mesnil-au-Val by Etienne du Parc.). Afterwards, the manor house remained the property of the du Parc family until the Revolution when it was sold as property of an exiled nobleman. The name Barville was probably added in the 18th century because François du Parc was also Marquis of Barville by marriage. Destroyed by fire in 1886, only a tower and a few out-buildings, modified or reconstructed, exist today.